Man shot, killed in Gwinnett County church parking lot
Police confirmed to Channel 2 Gwinnett County Bureau Chief Matt Johnson that one man was killed in the parking lot on Webb Gin House Road.
Get the latest details from the scene, LIVE on Channel 2 Action News at Noon.
[DOWNLOAD: Free WSB-TV News app for alerts as news breaks]
The church does not appear to have been involved in the shooting.
The victim's identity has not been released.
There is no word on possible suspects or motives.
TRENDING STORIES:
[SIGN UP: WSB-TV Daily Headlines Newsletter]
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
10 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Nigel Farage should do his bit to keep the peace
There is no situation where an intervention by Nigel Farage won't make things worse. He has, after all, made a career out of detecting, exploiting and exacerbating people's grievances and fears, a grim cycle that has delivered electoral success. The man is gifted in his insidious trade, if nothing else. Nowhere is this strategy more dangerously deployed than in issues of migration, race and crime, so often shamelessly conflated by the Reform UK leader with a studied and long-experienced hand. It is done almost instinctively. Once, he even blamed being late for a 'meet-the-Ukip leader' event in Wales on traffic jams on the M4 caused by immigration, rather than, say, the infamous bottleneck at Newport. Rather more grievously, his actions in the aftermath of the horrific Southport murders a year ago did nothing to calm tempers and stop the wild social media speculation that the person responsible was a Muslim asylum seeker who'd more or less just arrived in Britain, via a small boat. He plainly has no regrets and is approaching the disclosure of details concerning the rape of a 12-year-old girl in Nuneaton in the same reckless manner. He and his Reform UK colleagues on Warwickshire County Council are demanding, as Mr Farage did last year, that the immigration status of those involved be released by the police. The justification, once again, is that there is a 'cover-up' – a serious allegation made without foundation – and people are being denied the truth, presumably through some sense of misguided political correctness. Mr Farage implies, as he did last year, that this 'cover-up' – which he presumably sees as a deliberate attempt to deceive the public – only serves to create confusion and inflame feelings. In fact, of course, it is he who is creating additional tension, adding to a sense of injustice and the fear that the police are more interested in defending perpetrators than defending victims, despite the obvious truth that those accused have been caught and taken into custody by those same police, doing their duty. It is difficult to see why the migration status of everyone arrested on a serious offence should be automatically released, as Mr Farage suggests, even when it is immediately known for sure. If the person involved is a refugee, for example, accepted for indefinite leave to remain, then that does not make them 'more guilty' or their offence 'more serious' simply by the fact that they may have escaped from torture or some war zone. There is a strong probability that migration status will be equated to race, which is even less relevant. The only possible valid use of immigration status in the criminal justice system is if the person is convicted. At that point, the question of deportation does arise. The fact is that someone's immigration status can affect the feelings of many perfectly law-abiding and worried people demonstrating outside 'migrant hotels' (real or imagined) up and down the country on legitimate grounds. They are not all fascists or racists, still less pathologically violent. They are angry and fearful at what they learn from the news and the speculation on social media, and they deserve to be told the facts. But there is just the suspicion that immigration status can, in some grotesque, emotionally-charged way, lead to violence and mob rule. It is, quite simply, wrong and criminally so, to attempt arson on a hotel with human beings inside, whatever the circumstances. It doesn't help anyone or solve anything. If a rapist comes from a family that can trace its English origins to Anglo-Saxon times, that should make people no more or less angry than if the criminal has only lived here for a matter of weeks and is from some country in Africa or the Middle East. Race should play no part in justice, even mob justice. It would be refreshing, statesmanlike and a genuinely great public service if Mr Farage and those like him used their public platform to call for calm and peaceful protest, and not display so much apparent tacit support for angry, violent reactions in tense demonstrations. His warnings sound too much like self-fulfilling prophecies, as when he declared a few weeks ago: 'I don't think anybody in London understands just how close we are to civil disobedience on a vast scale in this country.' Given what happened last July and early August, the opposite is surely true: ministers and police chiefs are all too well aware of such a possibility. The difference is that, unlike Mr Farage, they don't seem to be talking it up. It would make a useful change if Mr Farage didn't make everything into a 'cover-up' and accept that, in many cases, details are withheld for sound legal reasons concerning a fair trial and the provisions of the Contempt of Court Act 1981. The police should not have to break the law and risk upsetting a trial and letting the guilty go free simply because of the threat of a riot if they don't, or accusations of 'two-tier policing'. What's more, Mr Farage shouldn't call for the resignation of chief constables, or any other officers, who are trying to keep the oaths they took to uphold the laws set down by parliament and the King's peace. Standing up for the police, defending the independent judiciary, condemning violence and respecting human rights are, in fact, the patriotic British things to do at times such as these. If he cares about the cohesion of communities and the rule of law as deeply as he claims, Mr Farage should do his bit to keep the peace as well.
Yahoo
10 minutes ago
- Yahoo
IN CASE YOU MISSED IT: Sean 'Diddy' Combs' ex writes letter supporting his release
Virginia Huynh, has written a letter to the judge pushing for him to be released. The ex-girlfriend was supposed to testify against him in his criminal case, but dropped out days before the trial began. She has now penned a letter pushing for Combs' release on bail. Huynh, who goes by Gina, was part of the prosecution's case against Combs, initially anonymously referred to as Victim-3. Before the trial began, prosecutors alerted the court that they could no longer locate Victim-3 and had lost touch with her and her attorney.
Yahoo
12 minutes ago
- Yahoo
The Yogurt Shop Murders takes a sensitive look at an unthinkable act
This is probably anecdotal, but it feels like our collective TV diet is due for a good, HBO-grade true-crime docuseries right about now. Which, as eloquently intimated by an interviewee in The Yogurt Shop Murders (a new four-parter from that aforementioned network and A24 that very much fits that bill), is a pretty gross and callous thought to even have. 'These murders…continue to devastate, puzzle, and fascinate many,' Sonora Thomas, the sister of one of the victims chronicled in the doc, reads from her own writings for the camera. 'As a surviving sibling, I have alternated between disgust for the ongoing fascination and awe that the public continues to be horrified by an event that has shaped every aspect of my life.' There is a guilt that comes—or at least should come—with wanting to watch these sorts of tragedies unfold and be picked apart over several hours, with casually clicking to the next episode from a couch as if the unthinkable stories that ruined the lives of real people are some sort of entertainment. That the segment above ends with news footage of a young Sonora in 1991, just after the murders, 'hyperventilating while my grief-stricken mother talks to the reporter,' as she puts it years later, underlines this idea and, perhaps, even hints at some of the guilt director Margaret Brown (2022's Descendant) herself had with this project, not to mention the thorny issues that come with documenting such horrors in general. On a December evening in 1991, four teenage girls—Amy Ayers (13), Eliza Thomas, Jennifer Harbison (both 17), and the latter's sister Sarah (15)—were bound by their underwear and shot in the backs of their heads at strip-mall frozen-yogurt shop where two of them worked before the spot was set aflame. The case shocked the community and became a national story, with Thomas noting, 'These murderers were said to have shattered the innocence of the small city of Austin,' a sentiment echoed almost verbatim by the actual mayor of that city in a news conference when suspects were apprehended nearly a decade after the killings occurred. (Highlighting that small-town-ness, the opening credits are set to a cover of 'Devil Town,' which was also used to great, albeit very different, effect in the Austin-shot show Friday Night Lights.) 48 Hours on CBS did (at least) four episodes on the case and its many twists and turns. And from the get-go of this new docuseries, you get the sense that the relatives of the deceased have had to relive that one night over and over and in front of countless cameras. Which they have: A decent amount of the footage in The Yogurt Shop Murders is from an unfinished documentary that local filmmaker Claire Huie started shooting in the 2000s. (Huie is a voice throughout, with her at one point embarrassingly showing a clip of her, gracelessly and without a soft transition, asking Barbara Ayres-Wilson, the mother of Jennifer and Sarah—and another steady presence and one of the empathetic beating hearts of the doc—to talk about that night in 1991.) This narrative framing and seeing, say, John Jones, the first lead investigator assigned to the case, on the evening of the murders in front of news cameras, then sifting through the events again in 2009, then talking—with an air of PTSD but still personable—about how he can't shake the case pretty recently, stresses the weight and longevity of these killings. In the first half of the docuseries, Brown nicely creates a sense of place, showing, for example, Amy Ayers at FFA (Future Farmers Of America) events, riding horses, and helping out on her family's ranch. The director then delves into the flip side of that pastoral beauty, with the cops getting swept up in the '90s satanic panic. 'They start going after goth kids and metalheads and 'PIBs,' people in black—just club kids,' Michael Hall of Texas Monthly explains of the investigation going off the rails (a segment that has flashes of the community's hysteria in the Paradise Lost films). And in the back half, The Yogurt Shop Murders focuses on false confessions, which was initially the subject of Huie's film—namely, the ones given by four men (teen boys at the time of the murders) who were charged in 1999. Watching these hours-long interrogations (which recall bits of the first season of Making A Murderer) and seeing them break and switch their stories to satisfy investigators and just get out of that room is infuriating. And it's hard not to be left indignant and numb about all of it—the senseless killings, the incarcerations (and the time lost before two men were released years later), and the mystery that has hovered over that stretch of Austin about what happened in 1991 and who was responsible. But Brown's docuseries doesn't end on that note of frustration or on anything to do with developments in the case, really, and instead leaves us with a more human moment, of Thomas and Ayres-Wilson holding hands from across the table (as seen in the still above) and silently bonding over a pain that only they can understand. The Yogurt Shop Murders premieres August 3 on HBO More from A.V. Club What's on TV this week—Wednesday season 2 and Outlander: Blood Of My Blood 3 new songs and 3 new albums to check out this weekend Stephen Colbert to play late-night host on CBS's Elsbeth for amusement of cruel gods
