
Key MSDF patrol aircraft not up to task as corrosion ‘eating' engines
The aircraft fly over the ocean at low altitudes for hours on end, making them prone to engine corrosion.
The aircraft are a mainstay in Japanese efforts to monitor China's growing maritime assertiveness.
The board did not divulge how many aircraft were affected in keeping with Defense Ministry protocols on security issues.
The P1, the nation's first domestically made aircraft, was initially viewed as holding huge potential. It was considered to have no peer in submarine detection and tracking technology and there was talk of exporting the aircraft.
But that never got off the ground.
The Board of Audit study covered the 35 P1 aircraft deployed at MSDF bases across Japan as of September 2024.
Primarily manufactured by Kawasaki Heavy Industries Ltd., the first P1 was deployed in 2013.
It was the successor aircraft to the P3C, made by U.S. manufacturer Lockheed Martin Corp.
The Board of Audit study said development, purchase and repair costs for the P1 through fiscal 2023 came to 1.776 trillion yen ($12.3 billion).
The Defense Ministry's Acquisition, Technology and Logistics Agency plans to eventually deploy a total of 61 P1 aircraft at a cost of 4.090 trillion yen.
The agency knew early on about the engine corrosion issue, but IHI Corp., which oversaw development, said the malfunctions were coincidental. So, nothing was done to rectify the problem.
Within the MSDF, flying the P1 is considered the 'mission of missions' in that it comes with a huge array of detection equipment, making the plane a joy to operate.
Increased sightings of Chinese submarines and other vessels in waters around Japan resulted in many more P1 missions.
The burden of operating the aircraft around the clock on a rotational basis was never envisaged in the development stage, according to a highly placed MSDF officer.
All sorts of issues emerged early on.
The technology used in the U.S.-made P3C was off-limits, so Japanese engineers had to basically develop the aircraft technology from scratch.
And this was at a time when the defense budget was not nearly as massive as it is today, meaning not all aspects of development could be adequately dealt with.
The 'stovepipe' structure that separated ministry bureaucrats from SDF uniformed officers led to a failure in sharing information during the development stage, according to a high-ranking Defense Ministry official.
The Board of Audit also pointed out that issues with the onboard electronic equipment and weapons were another reason some of the aircraft were grounded.
Hopes of exporting the P1 aircraft were dashed after one of a pair dispatched to the Paris Air Show in 2017 developed problems and could not take part.
(This article was written by Wataru Netsu and Daisuke Yajima.)
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Japan Times
3 hours ago
- Japan Times
Winning warship bid gives Japan confidence boost as Tokyo eyes more exports
Japan's successful offer of state-of-the-art warships to Australia is seen as a "model" case for the future export of entire military systems, senior defense officials say, as Tokyo eyes Southeast Asian nations as possible destinations. Australia's decision to select a Japanese warship for its next frigate class has been 'well received across Japanese industry, so we feel this will have positive ramifications and generate momentum as local companies look at the Mogami case as a model," a Defense Ministry official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Japan Times. Canberra plans to buy 11 upgraded Mogami-class frigates, choosing Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI) over Germany's Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems as its preferred partner to replace the Australian Navy's aging Anzac-class warships in what is set to be Tokyo's largest-ever defense contract. The decision marked a breakthrough for Japan's defense industry and helped erase memories of Tokyo's failed submarine bid to Australia in 2016. 'We hope this success will give confidence to the broader Japanese industry to explore future transfer opportunities,' the official added, as domestic companies look to overcome their comparative inexperience in delivering on large-capability contracts for customers other than the Self-Defense Forces. This confidence boost could prove critical as Tokyo aims to step up defense-industrial cooperation with allies and key partners, including Southeast Asian nations such as the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam. 'Our way of thinking is the same when we look at Australia or at regional partner nations in Southeast Asia,' the official said. 'Our ultimate goal is to create a desirable security environment in this region, and we see equipment transfers as important tools in this endeavor. 'Sharing the same type of assets means we can rely on each other and work more closely together,' the official added. Manila has expressed interest in acquiring used Maritime Self-Defense Force Abukuma-class destroyer escorts in what would be another export of a major naval platform as Japan aims to boost the defense capabilities of like-minded neighbors. Tokyo is set to decommission the first of six Abukuma vessels in 2027. Meanwhile, Jakarta, which has also expressed interest in the upgraded Mogami, is also known to be considering acquiring decommissioned Soryu-class submarines. It is still unclear, however, how Japan will be able to export entire secondhand military platforms under its strict arms export regulations, formally known as the Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology, or if further revision to the regulations would be required. The Maritime Self-Defense Force's Abukuma-class destroyer escort Chikuma (front) sails with the Australian Navy's Hobart-class guided-missile destroyer Brisbane during joint exercises in the Pacific Ocean in November 2023. | U.S. NAVY The transfer of the upgraded Mogami is only possible under the current guidelines because it fits into the category of 'joint developments and production,' which is normally reserved for new equipment. This still requires National Security Council approval and is determined on a case-by-case basis. Australia's selection of MHI, however, doesn't mean the process is over. 'The decision means we can now concentrate on securing the contract rather than on the competition itself,' the Japanese official said. Much remains to be discussed, officials said, including technology transfers, integrated supply chains, maintenance arrangements and the overall level of Australian participation. 'The Mogami's selection was a wonderful announcement, but there is still a challenging way ahead to get to the contract,' the official added. Canberra aims to enter into binding and commercial contracts with MHI and the Japanese government early next year. The decadelong, 10 billion Australian dollar ($6.48 billion) frigate plan, known as Project Sea 3000, requires the first warship to be delivered by 2029 and become operational the following year. The three initial vessels are to be constructed in Japan, with manufacturing of the remaining ships set to transition to the Henderson area of Perth, where they will be built by Australian company Austal. The first three are likely to be made at MHI's Nagasaki shipyard alongside those already on order for the MSDF. Should additional capacity be required, the Japanese officials said MHI has already transferred Mogami manufacturing technologies to other shipyards, including in Yokohama and Tamano, Okayama Prefecture. Japan's successful bid not only highlights how far its domestic industry has come over the past decade, but also how critical close cooperation with the government has become for companies to succeed on the international defense market. The Mogami bid marked the first time that Japan launched a joint public-private promotion committee exclusively to support a defense export project — an approach that officials say might be considered for similar endeavors in the future. But why did Tokyo step up its involvement? While shaping the regional security environment and deepening security relations are among the reasons why governments export military equipment, such transfers play another key role: they help maintain a sovereign and innovative defense industry, something that Japan has recognized as a matter of national security. The argument is that in the event of a conflict, Japan's defense-industrial capacity must be able to meet a rapid increase in demand, something that can only be done with a robust defense-industrial base. Should Japan lose this capacity, or its ability to develop cutting-edge tech, it could eventually become too dependent on foreign governments and defense industries. Australia's pick of Mitsubishi Heavy Industries as as its preferred partner to replace its navy's aging Anzac-class warships highlights how far Japan's defense industry has come over the past decade, | REUTERS While the upgraded Mogami was deemed the better fit for the Australian Navy based on its capabilities, it's almost certain that elements such as Tokyo and Canberra's growing geostrategic alignment, the need for greater interoperability with regional allies and partners as well as plans to further deepen defense-industrial cooperation also weighed heavily in the decision-making. While not directly related to the warship, these aspects are nonetheless significant in terms of collective defense posturing and strategic messaging, signaling to rivals such as China and North Korea that Tokyo and Canberra will be working together for the foreseeable future. But the government's role was also important in another way, with experts saying that the most persuasive factor in Tokyo's bid was its promises that the first three frigates will be delivered on time. This commitment only became possible after the Japanese government explicitly allowed the joint development and production of the frigates, allaying concerns about restrictions under its arms export controls. 'Compared to 2016, this time around the government and MHI were much more proactive,' said James Schoff, a Japan defense expert at the Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA. 'They understood what was important to the client, in terms of delivery schedule, ship performance, life cycle costs, etc., and they marketed themselves more successfully," he said. Japanese officials also said there was more clarity from an early stage about the Mogami's exportability, something that wasn't the case in 2016, when Japan pitched its Soryu subs to Australia. 'The submarine competition took place not long after the government's 2014 revision of Japan's three defense transfer principles,' a second Japanese official said. 'Back then, our companies weren't really sure about what they were allowed to transfer abroad, and I believe this lack of confidence somehow contributed to us losing that bid.' Once the Mogami contract is signed, the export of these advanced warships to Australia will mark just Japan's second transfer of a complete defense system since 2014, following the sale of several air-surveillance radars to the Philippines in 2020. 'Many companies in Japan are therefore watching this case very closely, not only those directly involved with Mogami frigates, but also those outside the project,' the first Japanese official said. These firms, the official added, want to understand the unprecedented whole-of-government approach Tokyo has taken and how its involvement with industry will continue going forward.


Japan Today
7 hours ago
- Japan Today
Vietnam wants to be next Asian tiger and it's overhauling its economy to make it happen.
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Vietnam's transformation into a global manufacturing hub with shiny new highways, high-rise skylines and a booming middle class has lifted millions of its people from poverty, similar to China. But its low-cost, export-led boom is slowing, while the proposed reforms — expanding private industries, strengthening social protections, and investing in tech, green energy. It faces a growing obstacle in climate change. 'It's all hands on can't waste time anymore," said Mimi Vu of the consultancy Raise Partners. Investment has soared, driven partly by U.S.-China trade tensions, and the U.S. is now Vietnam's biggest export market. Once-quiet suburbs have been replaced with industrial parks where trucks rumble through sprawling logistics hubs that serve global brands. Vietnam ran a $123.5 billion trade surplus with the U.S. trade in 2024, angering Trump, who threatened a 46% U.S. import tax on Vietnamese goods. The two sides appear to have settled on a 20% levy, and twice that for goods suspected of being transshipped, or routed through Vietnam to avoid U.S. trade restrictions. During negotiations with the Trump administration, Vietnam's focus was on its tariffs compared to those of its neighbors and competitors, said Daniel Kritenbrink, a former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam. 'As long as they're in the same zone, in the same ballpark, I think Vietnam can live with that outcome," he said. But he added questions remain over how much Chinese content in those exports might be too much and how such goods will be taxed. Vietnam was preparing to shift its economic policies even before Trump's tariffs threatened its model of churning out low-cost exports for the world, aware of what economists call the 'middle-income trap,' when economies tend to plateau without major reforms. To move beyond that, South Korea bet on electronics, Taiwan on semiconductors, and Singapore on finance, said Richard McClellan, founder of the consultancy RMAC Advisory. But Vietnam's economy today is more diverse and complex than those countries were at the time and it can't rely on just one winning sector to drive long-term growth and stay competitive as wages rise and cheap labor is no longer its main advantage. It needs to make 'multiple big bets,' McClellan said. Following China's lead, Vietnam is counting on high-tech sectors like computer chips, artificial intelligence and renewable energy, providing strategic tax breaks and research support in cities like Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, and Danang. It's also investing heavily in infrastructure, including civilian nuclear plants and a $67 billion North–South high-speed railway, that will cut travel time from Hanoi to Ho Chi Minh City to eight hours. Vietnam also aspires to become a global financial center. The government plans two special financial centers, in bustling Ho Chi Minh City and in the seaside resort city of Danang, with simplified rules to attract foreign investors, tax breaks, support for financial tech startups, and easier ways to settle business disputes. Underpinning all of this is institutional reform. Ministries are being merged, low-level bureaucracies have been eliminated and Vietnam's 63 provinces will be consolidated into 34 to build regional centers with deeper talent pools. Vietnam is counting on private businesses to lead its new economic push — a seismic shift from the past. In May, the Communist Party passed Resolution 68. It calls private businesses the 'most important force' in the economy, pledging to break away from domination by state-owned and foreign companies. So far, large multinationals have powered Vietnam's exports, using imported materials and parts and low cost local labor. Local companies are stuck at the low-end of supply chains, struggling to access loans and markets that favored the 700-odd state-owned giants, from colonial-era beer factories with arched windows to unfashionable state-run shops that few customers bother to enter. 'The private sector remains heavily constrained," said Nguyen Khac Giang of Singapore's ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute. Again emulating China, Vietnam wants 'national champions' to drive innovation and compete globally, not by picking winners, but by letting markets decide. The policy includes easier loans for companies investing in new technology, priority in government contracts for those meeting innovation goals, and help for firms looking to expand overseas. Even mega-projects like the North-South High-Speed Rail, once reserved for state-run giants, are now open to private bidding. By 2030, Vietnam hopes to elevate at least 20 private firms to a global scale. But Giang warned that there will be pushback from conservatives in the Communist Party and from those who benefit from state-owned firms. Even as political resistance threatens to stall reforms, climate threats require urgent action. After losing a major investor over flood risks, Bruno Jaspaert knew something had to change. His firm, DEEP C Industrial Zones, houses more than 150 factories across northern Vietnam. So it hired a consultancy to redesign flood resilience plans. Climate risk is becoming its own kind of market regulation, forcing businesses to plan better, build smarter, and adapt faster. 'If the whole world will decide it's a can go very fast,' said Jaspaert. When Typhoon Yagi hit last year, causing $1.6 billion in damage, knocking 0.15% off Vietnam's GDP and battering factories that produce nearly half the country's economic output, roads in DEEP C industrial parks stayed dry. Climate risks are no longer theoretical: If Vietnam doesn't take strong action to adapt to and reduce climate change, the country could lose 12–14.5% of its GDP each year by 2050, and up to one million people could fall into extreme poverty by 2030, according to the World Bank. Meanwhile, Vietnam is growing old before it gets rich. The country's 'golden population' window — when working-age people outnumber dependents — will close by 2039 and the labor force is projected to peak just three years later. That could shrink productivity and strain social services, especially since families — and women in particular — are the default caregivers, said Teerawichitchainan Bussarawan of the Centre for Family and Population Research at the National University of Singapore. Vietnam is racing to pre-empt the fallout by expanding access to preventive healthcare so older adults remain healthier and more independent. Gradually raising the retirement age and drawing more women into the formal workforce would help offset labor gaps and promote "healthy aging,' Bussarawan said. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

Nikkei Asia
7 hours ago
- Nikkei Asia
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