logo
‘Expensive and complicated': Most rural hospitals no longer deliver babies

‘Expensive and complicated': Most rural hospitals no longer deliver babies

Yahooa day ago

A mother prepares her infant son for bed. Since 2020, 36 states have lost at least one rural labor and delivery department. In rural counties, the loss of hospital-based obstetric care is associated with increases in births in hospital emergency rooms, less prenatal care and higher rates of babies being born too early. (Photo by)
Nine months after Monroe County Hospital in rural South Alabama closed its labor and delivery department in October 2023, Grove Hill Memorial Hospital in neighboring Clarke County also stopped delivering babies.
Both hospitals are located in an agricultural swath of the state that's home to most of its poorest counties. Many residents of the region don't even have a nearby emergency department.
Stacey Gilchrist is a nurse and administrator who's spent her 40-year career in Thomasville, a small town about 20 minutes north of Grove Hill. Thomasville's hospital shut down entirely last September over financial difficulties. Thomasville Regional hadn't had a labor and delivery unit for years, but women in labor still showed up at its ER when they knew they wouldn't make it to the nearest delivering hospital.
'We had several close calls where people could not make it even to Grove Hill when they were delivering there,' Gilchrist told Stateline shortly after the Thomasville hospital closed. She recalled how Thomasville nurses worked to save the lives of a mother and baby who'd delivered early in their ER, as staff waited for neonatal specialists to arrive by ambulance from a distant delivering hospital.
'It would give you chills to see what all they had to do. They had to get inventive,' she said, but the mother and baby survived.
Now many families must drive more than an hour to reach the nearest birthing hospital.
Nationwide, most rural hospitals no longer offer obstetric services. Since the end of 2020, more than 100 rural hospitals have stopped delivering babies, according to a new report from the Center for Healthcare Quality & Payment Reform, a national policy center focused on solving health care issues through overhauling insurance payments. Fewer than 1,000 rural hospitals nationwide still have labor and delivery services.
A small town tries to revive its hospital in the middle of a rural health crisis
Across the nation, two rural labor and delivery departments shut their doors every month on average, said Harold Miller, the center's president and CEO.
'It's the perfect storm,' Miller told Stateline. 'The number of births are going down, everything is more expensive in rural areas, health insurance plans don't cover the cost of births, and hospitals don't have the resources to offset those losses because they're losing money on other services, too.'
Staffing shortages, low Medicaid reimbursement payments and declining birth rates have contributed to the closures. Some states have responded by changing how Medicaid funds are spent, by allowing the opening of freestanding birth centers, or by encouraging urban-based obstetricians to open satellite clinics in rural areas.
Yet the losses continue. Thirty-six states have lost at least one rural labor and delivery unit since the end of 2020, according to the report. Sixteen have lost three or more. Indiana has lost 12, accounting for a third of its rural hospital labor and delivery units.
In rural counties the loss of hospital-based obstetric care is associated with increases in births in hospital emergency rooms, studies have found. The share of women without adequate prenatal care also increases in rural counties that lose hospital obstetric services.
And researchers have seen an increase in preterm births — when a baby is born three or more weeks early — following rural labor and delivery closures. Babies born too early have higher rates of death and disability.
The decline in hospital-based maternity care has been decades in the making.
Traditionally, hospitals lose money on obstetrics. It costs more to maintain a labor and delivery department than a hospital gets paid by insurance to deliver a baby. This is especially true for rural hospitals, which see fewer births and therefore less revenue than urban areas.
'It is expensive and complicated for any hospital to have labor and delivery because it's a 24/7 service,' said Miller.
A labor and delivery unit must always have certain staff available or on call, including a physician who can perform cesarean sections, nurses with obstetric training, and an anesthetist for C-sections and labor pain management.
You can't subsidize a losing service when you don't have profit coming in from other services.
– Harold Miller, president and CEO of the Center for Healthcare Quality & Payment Reform
'There's a minimum fixed cost you incur [as a hospital] to have all of that, regardless of how many births there are,' Miller said.
In most cases, insurers don't pay hospitals to maintain that standby capacity; they're paid per birth. Hospitals cover their losses on obstetrics with revenue they get from more lucrative services.
For a larger urban hospital with thousands of births a year, the fixed costs might be manageable. For smaller rural hospitals, they're much harder to justify. Some have had to jettison their obstetric services just to keep the doors open.
'You can't subsidize a losing service when you don't have profit coming in from other services,' Miller said.
And staffing is a persistent problem.
Harrison County Hospital in Corydon, Indiana, a small town on the border with Kentucky, ended its obstetric services in March after hospital leaders said they were unable to recruit an obstetric provider. It was the only delivering hospital in the county, averaging about 400 births a year.
And most providers don't want to remain on call 24/7, a particular problem in rural regions that might have just one or two physicians trained in obstetrics. In many rural areas, family physicians with obstetrical training fill the role of both obstetricians and general practitioners.
Even before Harrison County Hospital suspended its obstetrical services, some patients were already driving more than 30 minutes for care, the Indiana Capital Chronicle reported. The closure means the drive could be 50 minutes to reach a hospital with a labor and delivery department, or to see providers for prenatal visits.
A fifth of Americans are on Medicaid. Some of them have no idea.
Longer drive times can be risky, resulting in more scheduled inductions and C-sections because families are scared to risk going into labor naturally and then facing a harrowing hourlong drive to the hospital.
Having fewer labor and delivery units could further burden ambulance services already stretched thin in rural areas.
And hospitals often serve as a hub for other maternity-related services that help keep mothers and babies healthy.
'Other things we've seen in rural counties that have hospital-based OB care is that you're more likely to have other supportive things, like maternal mental health support, postpartum groups, lactation support, access to doula care and midwifery services,' said Katy Kozhimannil, a professor at the University of Minnesota School of Public Health, whose research focuses in part on maternal health policy with a focus on rural communities.
Medicaid, the state-federal public insurance for people with low incomes, pays for nearly half of all births in rural areas nationwide. And women who live in rural communities and small towns are more likely to be covered by Medicaid than women in metro areas.
Experts say one way to save rural labor and delivery in many places would be to bump up Medicaid payments.
As congressional Republicans debate President Donald Trump's tax and spending plan, they're considering which portions of Medicaid to slash to help pay for the bill's tax cuts. Maternity services aren't on the chopping block.
But if Congress reduces federal funding for some portions of Medicaid, states — and hospitals — will have to figure out how to offset that loss. The ripple effects could translate into less money for rural hospitals overall, meaning some may no longer be able to afford labor and delivery services.
Abortion-ban states pour millions into pregnancy centers with little medical care
'Cuts to Medicaid are going to be felt disproportionately in rural areas where Medicaid makes up a higher proportion of labor and delivery and for services in general,' Kozhimannil said. 'It is a hugely important payer at rural hospitals, and for birth in particular.'
And though private insurers often pay more than Medicaid for birth services, Miller believes states shouldn't let companies off the hook.
'The data shows that in many cases, commercial insurance plans operating in a state are not paying adequately for labor and delivery,' Miller said. 'Hospitals will tell you it's not just Medicaid; it's also commercial insurance.'
He'd like to see state insurance regulators pressure private insurance to pay more. More than 40% of births in rural communities are covered by private insurance.
Yet there's no one magic bullet that will fix every rural hospital's bottom line, Miller said: 'For every hospital I've talked to, it's been a different set of circumstances.'
Stateline reporter Anna Claire Vollers can be reached at avollers@stateline.org.
SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Kentucky families must renew Medicaid for first time since pandemic. Here's what to know
Kentucky families must renew Medicaid for first time since pandemic. Here's what to know

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

Kentucky families must renew Medicaid for first time since pandemic. Here's what to know

Starting in July, thousands of families across Kentucky must again renew their Medicaid enrollment— a process one local health provider warns could leave some without necessary insurance coverage. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Kentucky halted annual Medicaid renewals, allowing participants to automatically be reenrolled. In 2023, the state ended that policy, requiring Medicaid recipients to go back to submitting enrollment paperwork every year — except for those in the Kentucky Children's Health Insurance Program (KCHIP). KCHIP is a free health insurance program for families with an income at or under 218% of the federal poverty level — or up to $70,000 per year for a family of four. Children under 19, pregnant mothers and mothers within one year of postpartum are eligible to receive KCHIP coverage. When recertification resumed in 2023, the state introduced several flexibilities to ensure vulnerable populations could remain covered, including extending automatic renewal for KCHIP participants. The goal was 'simplify the renewal process, reduce inappropriate terminations and allow the state to manage the increased workload,' according to a document from the Kentucky Department of Medicaid Services. Now, that flexibility is ending, meaning thousands of Kentucky families will start receiving notices to update and recertify their Medicaid eligibility. Here's what to know. Families will get a letter when it's time to recertify and should watch for notices by mail, phone and email. There are also several ways to check Medicaid eligibility and recertify if needed. Visit Call 855.4kynect (855.459.6328) to speak with a caseworker. Visit your local Department for Community Based Services office. Contact a state kynector for assistance through Once enrolled, coverage lasts for 12 months. Even if changes make families ineligible for the program, children retain coverage for the year. Families can miss notifications to reenroll for a lot of reasons, said Bart Irwin, CEO of Family Health Centers, a nonprofit primary care provider with locations across Louisville. Maybe they've changed addresses, incorrectly filled out paperwork or missed deadlines — but that doesn't mean they are not financially eligible for Medicaid or KCHIP. "There's a connection that if parents or caregivers lose Medicaid, it's highly likely a child will lose Medicaid too," Irwin said. "I don't quite understand the connection, but one [reason] I would think is that if the parents miss the opportunity or don't respond correctly to the state's inquiry on their own behalf, it's likely they're not going to on their child's behalf, too." If someone does not respond to a renewal by the deadline, they will be unenrolled from coverage. KCHIP participants and families can call 855-459-6328 as soon as they learn they are unenrolled for lack of response. If they are determined eligible within 90 days of termination, coverage may be rolled back to the day of termination. Irwin said recertification for the KCHIP program could artificially deflate Medicaid rolls, similar to when the state stopped automatic enrollment for adults on Medicaid in 2023. Between April, when recertification restarted, and December 2023, Jefferson County saw more than 28,500 drop off the program's rolls, according to data from the Cabinet of Health and Family Services. Children make up a substantial portion of Medicaid recipients in Jefferson County, with over 108,000 kids receiving coverage. A third of Family Health Centers' Medicaid patients are children under 19. "It would be the same process as going through our kynectors and helping them redo certification, we know they're eligible, right?" Irwin said. "It's going to be the bureaucratic process that's going to harm the kids. It's missing the letter, or not putting the right information in, or forgetting some information, that's what's going to knock kids off." Reach reporter Keely Doll at kdoll@ This article originally appeared on Louisville Courier Journal: Kentucky families must again renew Medicaid. Here's how to recertify

Medicaid cuts could devastate hundreds of rural hospitals in GOP states, Democrats say
Medicaid cuts could devastate hundreds of rural hospitals in GOP states, Democrats say

CBS News

time2 hours ago

  • CBS News

Medicaid cuts could devastate hundreds of rural hospitals in GOP states, Democrats say

Cuts to federal spending on Medicaid could affect hundreds of rural hospitals in many states that have elected Republican senators and voted for President Trump, Senate Democrats warned Thursday, citing a list they commissioned of rural hospitals in financial distress. "If Republicans plan to pass drastic cuts to Medicaid and Medicare and effectively repeal the Affordable Care Act, communities should know exactly what they stand to lose," Sen. Ed Markey, the top Democrat in the Senate's health committee, said in a statement. The warning from Senate Democrats, outlined in a letter sent to President Trump and Republican congressional leaders, comes as senators are now wrestling with the budget package that Mr. Trump dubbed the "big, beautiful bill," which narrowly passed the House last month. Budget analysts say a slew of changes that the House bill made to Medicaid provisions — which backers argue would target "excesses and abuses" in the program — could add up to reduced federal Medicaid spending by more than $800 billion over the next decade, resulting in 7.8 million more uninsured people. The American Hospital Association has warned Medicaid cuts being considered by Congress "could have a devastating impact on rural hospitals," which often face larger shares of patients without health insurance. "Rural hospitals serve as critical — and sometimes the sole — source of care for rural communities," the hospital lobbying group says. Democrats cited a list of at-risk rural hospitals that the University of North Carolina's Cecil G. Sheps Center for Health Services Research compiled at their request. "If your party moves ahead with these drastic health care cuts that will cut millions of people off their health insurance coverage, rural hospitals will not get paid for the services they are required by law to provide to patients. In turn, rural hospitals will face deeper financial strain," the Democrats' letter states. The center analyzed data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services to compile a list of rural hospitals at the highest risk of financial distress, broken down by state and congressional district. "Republican health care cuts would be felt by rural hospitals across the country. In Louisiana, 32 rural hospitals — or a majority of rural hospitals in the state — are serving a high concentration of Medicaid patients. A total of 33 hospitals are at risk based on serving a high share of Medicaid patients, experiencing negative total margins, or both," Democrats wrote. Louisiana is the home state of Sen. Bill Cassidy, the top Republican on the Senate health panel. The letter also itemized rural hospitals at risk in Alaska, Kentucky, West Virginia, Alabama and Tennessee. "Substantial cuts to Medicaid or Medicare payments could increase the number of unprofitable rural hospitals and elevate their risk of financial distress. In response, hospitals may be forced to reduce service lines, convert to a different type of healthcare facility, or close altogether," wrote University of North Carolina researchers Mark Holmes, George Pink and Tyler Malone in their responses to the Democrats.

RFK Jr.'s latest big move could leave you paying more for vaccines
RFK Jr.'s latest big move could leave you paying more for vaccines

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

RFK Jr.'s latest big move could leave you paying more for vaccines

Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. sent shockwaves through the scientific community this week when he fired all 17 members of the federal government's key vaccine advisory board, raising concerns that he might try to replace them with immunization skeptics. Those fears were confirmed for many on Wednesday when Kennedy unveiled eight new members who included some of the most prominent critics of the COVID-19 vaccines. The swap could have wide-reaching public health consequences. But one of the most straightforward impacts may be on consumers' wallets. That's because recommendations by the board — known as the Advisory Committee for Immunization Practices, or ACIP — determine which vaccines most insurance plans are required to cover at zero cost, such as inoculation against measles or your annual flu shot. If the new members decide to reverse the panel's old guidance, patients could find themselves paying out of pocket for vaccines that were once available for free. 'For the average person who has never heard of ACIP before, this could affect their access to vaccines,' said Jennifer Kates, a senior vice president at the healthcare think tank KFF. Created in 1964, ACIP is the official outside panel of medical experts responsible for advising the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on what to include on its lists of routine shots for both children and adults. While its recommendations aren't binding, federal officials have typically adopted them. As a result, the board's decisions carry enormous weight, affecting patients and parents, as well as the vaccines schools require for students. Over the years, the panel has played a growing role in determining insurance coverage as well. By law, shots recommended by ACIP must be covered by the free Vaccines for Children program, the Children's Health Insurance Program, Medicaid, and Medicare Part D. The Affordable Care Act also requires private insurers to pay for vaccines with no cost sharing if they have the panel's seal of approval. (Past administrations have said the rule only applies if the CDC also adopts the board's recommendation.) In a Wall Street Journal op-ed this week, Kennedy said his decision to replace the board was meant to fight a 'crisis of public trust' in vaccines by ridding the committee of what he described as 'persistent conflicts of interest.' (Kennedy's critics have argued that his allegations against ACIP's former members are unfounded.) His new picks for the panel include several figures who rose to national fame by casting doubt on the safety of COVID-19 vaccines. Among them is Dr. Robert Malone, an accomplished scientist who did pioneering work on mRNA technology but later attacked its use in shots during the pandemic and who was at one point banned from Twitter for spreading COVID misinformation. He'll be joined by Retsef Levi, an MIT business school professor who gained attention in 2023 for claiming there was 'indisputable evidence' ​​that 'MRNA vaccines cause serious harm including death,' and Dr. Martin Kulldorff, who advocated letting COVID spread among younger Americans to achieve 'herd immunity' and was later let go from Harvard Medical after refusing to be vaccinated. In his announcement, Kennedy said that each new member of ACIP was 'committed to demanding definitive safety and efficacy data before making any new vaccine recommendations' — suggesting they'll be less likely to add new shots to the government's immunization schedules. But he added that the board will also 'review safety and efficacy data for the current schedule as well,' raising the possibility that it will scrap some of its old recommendations. Even before this week's shake-up, the government had already begun changing its recommendations on COVID shots. In May, the CDC dropped its recommendation that healthy pregnant women receive the vaccine and revised its guidance for young children, saying they should only receive it after consultation with a doctor. Private insurers could still choose to cover vaccines even if the federal government stops recommending them. Whether they will is less certain. 'That's territory we haven't really had to traverse before,' said KFF's Kates. Sarah Moselle, a vaccine market expert at the health industry consulting firm Avalere, said there may be some 'fragmentation' in how carriers approach the issue. Some may drop coverage entirely or begin requiring co-pays. But many 'do anticipate that they would continue to cover some vaccines,' even if they aren't required to, since it would 'add value' for their customers, she said. In theory, insurers could also have an incentive to maintain vaccine coverage since it could keep their patients healthier and reduce the costs of their care, though it's unclear exactly how those savings would stack up against the added expense of paying for shots. For many vaccines, the out-of-pocket cost might be relatively cheap for patients. But others could turn out to be steep. Take Gardasil, the HPV vaccine that has been the focus of growing safety concerns among patients despite studies suggesting they're unfounded. Some experts told Yahoo Finance they thought the shot could be a target for more scrutiny under Kennedy's new ACIP. Currently, the shot is covered by insurance because it's recommended for pre-teens through young adults. The CDC lists its full price at over $300 a dose. Even modest costs can dissuade patients from getting vaccinated, according to Loren Adler, associate director at the Brookings Institution's Center on Health Policy. 'We know that folks having to pay $10 for a vaccine limits the uptake somewhat,' he said. As a result, just a small increase in what patients have to pay out of pocket could have ripple effects on public health. One issue to keep an eye on, according to Moselle, is whether state governments step in to require more extensive insurance coverage of vaccines if the federal government walks back some of its recommendations. If they do, vaccine access could start to vary more by where patients happen to live. Jordan Weissmann is a senior reporter at Yahoo Finance. Click here for in-depth analysis of the latest health industry news and events impacting stock prices

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store