
Hindu temples in Malaysia to meet over land issues as relocation saga simmers
Malaysia will send representatives to a mass community meeting in Kuala Lumpur this weekend to discuss issues over land occupied by them, as blowback from
a temple relocation in the capital refuses to abate.
Advertisement
The land rights of Malaysia's 2 million-strong Hindu community were thrust into the spotlight by the row over the relocation of the Dewi Sri Pathrakaliamman temple to make way for the construction of a new mosque.
Observers say the row has been fanned by Muslim hardliners scoring cheap political points, which has led to Hindu temples with alleged discrepancies over land ownership being tagged by their critics on social media.
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim last Thursday presided over the groundbreaking of the new mosque. However, he was still accused by Muslim hardliners of handing Hindus a free piece of prime real estate by relocating their temple to a site just 50 metres away.
The temple furore has prompted questions about the land rights of many of Malaysia's thousands of temples – many established during the colonial era when Indian labourers were brought in by British administrators.
Advertisement
The Malaysia Hindu Sangam (MHS), which represents the country's Hindus, said decades of ad hoc solutions by government leaders were no longer tenable due to the pernicious impact of social media on public discourse.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


HKFP
7 hours ago
- HKFP
UK to ‘never allow' political extradition of Hongkongers after alarm over law changes
The UK security minister has said the country would 'never' allow Hongkongers to be extradited for political reasons, after activists raised alarm that changes to an extradition act could put them at risk. Dan Jarvis, the UK's security chief, said on Wednesday that there had been 'inaccurate' reporting on modifications being made to the country's extradition laws. Last month, he said the UK was planning to remove Hong Kong from the UK's Extradition Act 2003, as it no longer had a formal extradition arrangement with the city after the UK scrapped the treaty in response to Beijing imposing a national security law in Hong Kong in 2020. In place of that, the UK would cooperate with Hong Kong on 'the case-by-case ad hoc basis available for non-treaty partners,' Jarvis added. In response, UK-based advocacy group Hong Kong Watch said the proposal could give rise to 'opaque extradition cooperation outside the protections of a formal treaty-based system.' Conservative Party lawmaker Alicia Kearns wrote a letter to Jarvis expressing concern about the 'transnational repression' faced by Hong Kong democracy activists and questioning how the UK could protect them from Hong Kong authorities. In response, Jarvis said on Wednesday that the change – removing Hong Kong from the UK's Extradition Act 2003 – simply 'formalises the severing of ties between the British and Hong Kong extradition systems.' 'The government will never allow a situation where [Hongkongers] or any other nationality is extradited for politically motivated purposes, he said, adding that UK courts have 'extensive powers' and could bar extradition if it is determined that a request is political. Arrest warrants Since Beijing imposed a national security law in Hong Kong following the 2019 protests and unrest, scores of activists have relocated to other countries – with the UK being one of the most popular destinations. Hong Kong police have issued arrest warrants and bounties of up to HK$1 million for 19 overseas activists accused of breaching the national security law. Some of them are now based in the UK, including activists Nathan Law, Finn Lau, and Chloe Cheung. Last week, police issued a new round of warrants for 15 activists, plus a HK$200,000 bounty each for information that could lead to their arrests. Police cited their involvement in a political group deemed subversive by Hong Kong authorities. Jarvis said the UK government 'stands resolutely' with Hongkongers who have relocated to the UK, and that he was 'deeply concerned by the news of further bounties having been issued.' 'Any attempt by any foreign state to intimidate, harass or harm individuals in the UK will not be tolerated,' he said. In June 2020, Beijing inserted national security legislation directly into Hong Kong's mini-constitution – bypassing the local legislature – following a year of pro-democracy protests and unrest. It criminalised subversion, secession, collusion with foreign forces and terrorist acts, which were broadly defined to include disruption to transport and other infrastructure. The move gave police sweeping new powers, alarming democrats, civil society groups and trade partners, as such laws have been used broadly to silence and punish dissidents in China. However, the authorities say it has restored stability and peace to the city.


AllAfrica
8 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Trump's new trade order is here. Will it work?
The beginning of August marks the latest deadline for US President Donald Trump's 'Liberation Day' tariff policy. This era of chaos and uncertainty began on April 2, and the situation remains fluid. With the deadline for partners to secure a deal with Washington now passed, it's a good time to take a broader view and consider if Trump's trade gamble is paying off. The objectives of the tariff policy include raising tax revenues, delivering lower prices for American consumers, and boosting American industry while creating manufacturing jobs. The president has also vowed to get better trade deals for the US to reduce its trade deficit and to face down China's growing influence on the world stage. But recently the US Federal Reserve voted to keep interest rates unchanged at 4.25% to 4.5%, despite pressure from Trump to lower them. In his monthly press briefing, Federal Reserve chair, Jerome Powell, said they were still in the early stages of understanding how the tariff policy would affect inflation, jobs and economic growth. On tariffs, Powell did say that revenues had increased substantially to US$30 billion a month. However, only a small portion of the tariffs are being absorbed by overseas exporters, with most of the cost being borne by US import companies. In comments that will concern the Trump administration, the Fed said the cost of the tariffs was beginning to show up in consumer prices. The Fed expects inflation to increase to 3% by the end of the year, above its 2% target. US unemployment remains low, with Powell saying the economy is at or very close to full employment. While Powell's decision to hold interest rates probably irritated Trump, economic theory suggests that lowering them with the US economic cycle at full employment would be likely to increase inflation and the cost of living for US consumers. A survey by Bloomberg economists suggests that US GDP growth forecasts are lower since April 2025, specifically because of its tariff policy. In terms of boosting US employment, the US administration can point to significant wins in the pharmaceutical sector. In July, British-Swedish drugmaker AstraZeneca announced plans to spend $50 billion expanding its US research and manufacturing facilities by 2030. The announcement follows a similar pledge from Swiss pharmaceuticals firm Roche in April to invest $50 billion in the US over the next five years. The impact of tariffs on traditional US manufacturing industries is less positive. The Ford Motor Company has warned that its profits will see a sharp drop. This is largely down to a net tariff impact that the firm says will cost it $2 billion this financial year. This is despite the company making nearly all of its vehicles in the US. Firms such as Ford are seeing an increase in tariff-related costs for imports. This dents their profits as well as dividends to shareholders. In recent weeks and months, the US has announced major new trade agreements, including with the UK, Japan, South Korea and the EU. Talks on a trade deal with China continue. But rather than trade deals, these announcements should be thought of as frameworks for trade deals. No legally binding documents have been signed to date. It will take many months before a clear picture emerges of how these bilateral deals will affect the US trade deficit overall. Meanwhile, in Washington, a federal appeals court will hear a case from two companies that are suing Trump over the use of his International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) of 1977. VOS Selections Inc, a wine and spirits importer, and Plastic Services and Products, a pipe and fittings company, are arguing that the president has 'no authority to issue across-the-board worldwide tariffs without congressional approval.' With so much in play, it is difficult to judge whether Trump's tariff policy can be viewed as a success. Higher tariff revenues from imports, as well as significant investments from the pharmaceutical industry, can be seen as clear wins. But increasing consumer costs through rising inflation, as well as tariff costs hurting US manufacturers, are clear negatives. While several framework trade deals have been announced, the real devil will, of course, be in the details. Perhaps the greatest impact of the tariff policy has been the uncertainty of this new approach to trade and diplomacy. The Trump administration views trade as a zero-sum game. If one side is winning, the other side must be losing. This view of international trade harks back to mercantilism, an economic system that predates capitalism. Adam Smith and David Riccardo, the founders of capitalist theory, advocated for free trade. They argued that if countries focused on what they were good at making, then both sides could benefit – a so-called positive-sum game. This approach has dominated global trade since the post-war period. Since then, the US has become the largest and wealthiest economy in the world. By creating the institutions of global trade (the IMF, World Bank and World Trade Organization), the US has advanced its interests – and American-based multinationals dominate, especially in areas such as technology. But China and others now threaten this US domination, and Trump is tearing up the economic rulebook. But economic theory clearly positions tariffs as the wrong policy path for the US to assert and further its economic interests in the medium to long term. That's why Trump's course of action remains such a gamble. Conor O'Kane is senior lecturer in economics, Bournemouth University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


AllAfrica
11 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Why Trump can't stop the Ukraine and Gaza wars
In yet another twist in his unpredictable decision-making, US President Donald Trump has dramatically shortened his original 50-day ultimatum to Vladimir Putin to call a ceasefire in Ukraine to a mere ten days. It's an unmistakable sign of Trump's frustration with the Russian leader, whom he now appears to view as the main obstacle to ending the war. Progress has been similarly limited on another of Trump's flagship foreign policy projects: ending the war in Gaza. As a humanitarian catastrophe engulfs the territory, Trump and some of his MAGA base are finally challenging Israel's denials that, after almost two years of war, many Gazans now face a real risk of starvation. In neither case have his efforts to mediate and bring an end to the violence borne any fruit. But not all of Trump's efforts to stop violence in conflicts elsewhere in the world have been similarly futile. The administration brokered a ceasefire between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which the two countries' foreign ministers signed in Washington on June 27. The US president has also claimed to be behind the ceasefire between India and Pakistan in May after the two sides had engaged in several days of fierce combat following a terror attack in Indian-administered Kashmir by a Pakistan-backed rebel group. And, drawing a clear parallel between this conflict and the border clashes between Cambodia and Thailand in July, Trump announced he had pushed both countries' leaders to negotiate a ceasefire. All of these ceasefires, so far, have held. By contrast, the ceasefire in the war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, to which Trump contributed in January, even before he was inaugurated for his second term, broke down in March and fighting has escalated ever since. A short-lived ceasefire in Ukraine in April was barely worth its name given the countless violations. Three factors can explain Trump's mixed record of peacemaking to date. First, the US president is more likely to succeed in stopping the fighting where he has leverage and is willing to use it to force foreign leaders to bend to his will. For example, Trump was very clear that there would be no trade negotiations with Thailand or Cambodia 'until such time as the fighting STOPS.' The crucial difference, so far, with the situation in the war against Ukraine is that Trump has, and has used, similar leverage only with the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky. This led to a US-Ukraine agreement on a 30-day ceasefire proposal just two weeks after the now-notorious row between Trump and Zelensky in the Oval Office. The mere threat of sanctions against Russia, by contrast, has done little to persuade Putin to accept whatever deal might Trump offer him. Trump's threats – which he has never followed through on – did not work in January or May. The Kremlin's initial reactions to the latest ultimatum from the White House do not indicate a change in Putin's attitude. A second factor that may explain why Trump has had peacemaking success in some cases but not others is the level of complexity of US interests involved. When it comes to US relations with Russia and Israel, there is a lot more at stake for Trump. The US president still appears keen to strike a grand bargain with Russia and China under which Washington, Beijing and Moscow would agree to recognize, and not interfere in, their respective spheres of influence. This could explain his hesitation so far to follow through on his threats to Putin. Similarly, US interests in the Middle East – whether it's over Iran's nuclear program or relations with America's Gulf allies – have put strains on the alliance with Israel. Trump also needs to weigh carefully the impact of any move against, or in support of, Israel on his domestic support base. In the deal Trump brokered between Rwanda and the DRC, the issues at stake were much simpler: access for US investors to the mineral riches of the eastern DRC. Just days into his second term, Trump acknowledged that the conflict was a 'very serious problem.' Congo's president, Felix Tshisekedi, responded by offering the US access to minerals in exchange for pushing Rwanda to a deal to end the invasion and stop supporting proxy forces in the DRC. This leads to the third factor that has enabled Trump's peace-making success so far: simpler solutions are easier to achieve. Thailand and Cambodia and India and Pakistan can go back to the situation before their recent fighting. That does not resolve any of the underlying issues in their conflicts, but returns their relations to some form of non-violent stability. It is ultimately also in the interests of the conflict parties. They have had a chance to make their violent statements and reinforce what they will and won't tolerate from the other side. The required investment by an external mediator to end battles that have achieved what the warring sides want anyway – to avoid further escalation – is consequently quite limited. Getting to any kind of stability in Ukraine or the Middle East, by contrast, requires prolonged engagement and attention to detail. These conflicts are at a stage in which a return to how things were before is not in the interests of the parties or their external backers. Nudging warring parties along on the path to agreement under such conditions requires a well-designed process, which is absent in Ukraine and failing in Gaza. Thanks to funding and personnel cuts, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio is now required to perform multiple roles. Trump relies on personal envoys with at best limited foreign policy expertise, while insisting he makes all the decisions. This ultimately suggests that the White House simply may not have the bandwidth for the level of engagement that would be necessary to get to a deal in Ukraine and the Middle East. This is a self-inflicted opportunity lost, not only for the United States but also for the long-suffering people of Ukraine and the Middle East. Stefan Wolff is professor of international security, University of Birmingham This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.