
Post-Assad Syria's search for its place in an evolving international order
Since October 2023, the volatility of West Asia has been at the forefront of regional and global conversations on security. Amidst the turmoil in Gaza, Israel's war against Hamas and Hezbollah, security concerns in the Red Sea following attacks by the Houthis, and the prolonged Ukraine conflict, the international community was caught unawares as the Assad government in Syria disintegrated in December 2024. This was especially true for the Western powers that have piloted international multilateral institutions since World War II.
At the end of December 2010, in the town of Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia, a fruit seller set himself on fire to protest corruption and intimidation by the police. The outrage it sparked was the beginning of a region-wide mass protest movement, popularly called the Arab Spring, which spread across the Arab world, challenging leaderships and monarchies that had been holding power for decades. In Syria, people mobilised against the Assad family, who also belonged to the minority Alawite community in a majority Sunni State, challenging their rule. This popular mobilisation started with anti-Assad graffiti sprayed around the town of Dar'a by some teenagers, who had to face severe consequences for doing so.
This paper can be accessed here.
This paper is authored by Kabir Taneja, ORF.
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Mint
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Putin, Trump, and a summit that ended in stalemate
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Hindustan Times
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The Wire
3 hours ago
- The Wire
‘Legitimisation Cell': The Israeli Military Unit Tasked With Linking Gaza Journalists to Hamas
The Israeli military has operated a special unit called the 'Legitimisation Cell', tasked with gathering intelligence from Gaza that can bolster Israel's image in the international media, according to three intelligence sources who spoke to 972 Magazine and Local Call and confirmed the unit's existence. Established after October 7, the unit sought information on Hamas's use of schools and hospitals for military purposes, and on failed rocket launches by armed Palestinian groups that harmed civilians in the enclave. It has also been assigned to identify Gaza-based journalists it could portray as undercover Hamas operatives, in an effort to blunt growing global outrage over Israel's killing of reporters — the latest of whom was Al Jazeera journalist Anas Al-Sharif, killed in an Israeli airstrike this past week. According to the sources, the Legitimisation Cell's motivation was not security, but public relations. 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Two of the intelligence sources recounted that, in at least one case since the war began, the Legitimisation Cell misrepresented intelligence in a way that allowed for the false portrayal of a journalist as a member of Hamas's military wing. 'They were eager to label him as a target, as a terrorist – to say it's okay to attack him,' one source recalled. 'They said: during the day he's a journalist, at night he's a platoon commander. Everyone was excited. But there was a chain of errors and corner-cutting. 'In the end, they realised he really was a journalist,' the source continued, and the journalist wasn't targeted. A similar pattern of manipulation is evident in the intelligence presented on Al-Sharif. According to the documents released by the army, which have not been independently verified, he was recruited to Hamas in 2013 and remained active until he was injured in 2017 – meaning that, even if the documents were accurate, they suggest he played no role in the current war. The same applies to the case of journalist Ismail Al-Ghoul, who was killed in a July 2024 Israeli airstrike along with his cameraman in Gaza City. A month later, the army claimed he was a 'military wing operative and Nukhba terrorist,' citing a 2021 document allegedly retrieved from a 'Hamas computer'. Yet that document stated he received his military rank in 2007 – when he was just ten years old, and seven years before he was supposedly recruited to Hamas. 'Find as much material as possible for hasbara ' One of the Legitimisation Cell's first high-profile efforts came on October 17, 2023, after the deadly explosion at Al-Ahli Hospital in Gaza City. While international media, citing Gaza's Ministry of Health, reported that an Israeli strike had killed 500 Palestinians, Israeli officials said the blast was caused by a misfired Islamic Jihad rocket and that the death toll was far lower. The day after the explosion, the army released a recording that the Legitimisation Cell had located in intelligence intercepts, presented as a phone call between two Hamas operatives blaming the incident on a Islamic Jihad misfire. Many global outlets subsequently considered the claim likely, including some who conducted their own investigations, and the release dealt a severe blow to the credibility of Gaza's Health Ministry – hailed within the Israeli army as a victory for the cell. A Palestinian human rights activist told 972 and Local Call in December 2023 that he was stunned to hear his own voice in the recording, which he said was simply a benign conversation with another Palestinian friend. He insisted he had never been a Hamas member. A source who worked with the Legitimisation Cell said that publishing classified material like a phone call was deeply controversial. 'It's very much not in Unit 8200's DNA to expose our capabilities for something as vague as public opinion,' he explained. Still, the three intelligence sources said the army treated the media as an extension of the battlefield, allowing it to declassify sensitive intelligence for public release. Even intelligence personnel outside the Legitimisation Cell were told to flag any material that might aid Israel in the information war. 'There was this phrase, 'That's good for legitimacy,'' one source recalled. 'The goal was simply to find as much material as possible to serve hasbara efforts.' After the publication of this article, official security sources confirmed to 972 and Local Call that various 'research teams' had been established inside Israeli military intelligence over the past two years with the aim of 'exposing Hamas's lies'. They said that the goal was to 'discredit' journalists reporting on the war on broadcast networks 'in allegedly a reliable and precise way', but who they claimed are actually part of Hamas. According to the sources, these research teams do not play a role in the selection of individual targets to be attacked. 'I never once hesitated to convey the truth' On August 10, the Israeli army killed six journalists in a strike it openly admitted was aimed at Al Jazeera reporter Al-Sharif. Two months earlier, in July, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) had warned it feared for Al-Sharif's life, saying he was 'targeted by an Israeli military smear campaign, which he believes is a precursor to his assassination'. After Al-Sharif posted a viral video in July of himself in tears while covering Gaza's hunger crisis, the Israeli army's Arabic-language spokesperson, Avichay Adraee, published three different videos attacking him, accusing him of 'propaganda' and of participating in 'Hamas's false starvation campaign'. Al-Sharif identified a link between Israel's media war and the military one. 'Adraee's campaign is not only a media threat or an image destruction; it is a real-life threat,' he told CPJ. Less than a month later, he was killed, with the army presenting what they said was declassified intelligence of his membership in Hamas to justify the strike. Israeli soldiers work on their tanks in a staging area on the border with the Gaza Strip in southern Israel on August 13, 2025. Photo: AP/PTI. The military had already claimed in October 2024 that six Al Jazeera journalists, including Al-Sharif, were military operatives, an accusation he vehemently denied. He became the second from that list to be targeted, after reporter Hossam Shabat. Since the October accusation, his whereabouts were well known, leading many observers to question whether killing Al-Sharif – who regularly reported from Gaza City – was part of Israel's plan to enforce a media blackout ahead of its military preparations to capture the city. In response to questions from 972 Magazine about Al-Sharif's killing, the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) spokesperson reiterated that 'the IDF attacked a terrorist from the Hamas terrorist organisation who was operating under the guise of a journalist from the Al Jazeera network in the northern Gaza Strip,' and claimed that the army 'does not intentionally harm uninvolved individuals and journalists in particular, all in accordance with international law.' Prior to the strike, the spokesperson added, 'steps were taken to reduce the chance of harming civilians, including the use of precision weapons, aerial observations and additional intelligence information.' At just 28, Al-Sharif had become one of Gaza's most recognised journalists. He is among 186 reporters and media workers killed in the Strip since October 7, according to CPJ – the deadliest period for journalists since the group began collecting data in 1992. Other organisations have put the death toll as high as 270. 'If these words reach you, know that Israel has succeeded in killing me and silencing my voice,' Al-Sharif wrote in his final message, posthumously published on his social media accounts. 'I have lived through pain in all its details, tasted suffering and loss many times, yet I never once hesitated to convey the truth as it is, without distortion or falsification.' Yuval Abraham is a journalist and filmmaker based in Jerusalem. A version of this article, republished here with permission from 972 Magazine, was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here. 972 Magazine is an independent, online, nonprofit magazine run by a group of Palestinian and Israeli journalists.