Olorato Mongale's family at memorial service: 'She was a light, a force, a joy to know'
BLOEMFONTEIN - Mourners have gathered on Thursday at the Hamilton Hall in Bloemfontein to celebrate the life of Olorato Mongale .
It's alleged she was murdered after going on a date with a man she had recently met.
Her body was found i n Lombardy, north of Johannesburg, on Sunday, hours after she reportedly left her home.
The discovery sparked a national outcry and a police manhunt that has since led to one arrest in KwaZulu-Natal . Three other suspects are still on the run.
Mongale's family said that nothing could have prepared them for the grief they were not dealing with, but the love and presence of those who knew her ha d brought them moments of peace. ALSO READ: Olorato's family calls on men to take a stance against GBV She'd moved to Gauteng to further her studies and pursue a career in journalism, and was just weeks away from receiving her Master's Degree.
A scripture from Psalm 34 was read aloud: "The Lord is close to the broken-hearted and saves those who are crushed in spirit."
"She was a light, a force, a joy to know and an honour to love. We will deeply miss her, we will constantly hear her voice."
As her laughter, determination and gentle heart are being remembered through song, tributes and tears, Mongale's loved ones say they won't rest until those responsible for her murder are brought to justice.
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Eyewitness News
2 days ago
- Eyewitness News
Mkhwanazi's war on criminals in KZN may win public approval but at what cost to our constitutional democracy?
'Main suspect in Olorato Mongale's murder dies in shootout with cops'. These were the headlines that South Africans woke up to on the morning of 30th May 2025. Just over a week earlier, Mongale had been killed after being picked up for a date by a man she knew as 'John'. Her body was dumped on a street in Lombardy near Alexandra in the Gauteng Province. Mongale's murder shook South Africa. Here was a young woman, a postgraduate student at Wits University, whose only crime on the day was to go out on a date with a man she was trying to get to know, and within two hours of being picked up outside her complex, she was fighting for her life – a fight that she lost, but whose viciousness would be evidenced in the state of her deceased body. Mongale fought until her fingernails snapped off. One can only imagine the horror that she went through in the final moments of her life in the hands of Philangenkosi Makhanya and Bongani Mthinkhulu - men who, just a few weeks prior, were granted bail after a court appearance following their arrest in Brakpan, Gauteng, for kidnapping and robbing a woman. For many South Africans, the killing of Makhanya, the main suspect in Mongale's murder, was justice. He was fatally shot by KwaZulu Natal (KZN) police while hiding out at a residential complex in eManzimtoti (formerly Amanzimtoti), a coastal town just south of eThekwini (Durban). According to KZN police, following extensive investigation, they were alerted to the hiding place of the murderer, and when police announced their arrival, he shot at them. Police returned fire and he was fatally wounded. Speaking at the scene of the shooting, the provincial commissioner of the South African Police Service (SAPS) in KZN, Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, said the suspect was found with tens of identity documents and 20 cellphones in his possession. These are now subject of an investigation and no doubt, belong to women who suffered robberies and possibly worse, in the man's hands. At face value, Makhanya's killing was a just response to Mongale's brutal and senseless murder. But scratch beneath the surface, and a clear pattern begins to emerge. Over the past few months, news of criminals dying in shootouts with KZN police have dominated the headlines. Not a week passes by that we do not read about suspects dying in violent confrontations with the police. Curiously, the story is almost exactly the same – a suspect fires at police as soon as they announce their arrival, and they return fire. The suspect dies in a hail of police bullets and more often than not, no police officer is wounded or killed. Once or twice may be understandable. But the rate at which this is happening in KZN begs the question of whether or not we are witnessing extrajudicial killings in a province that has one of the highest rates of crime in South Africa. Extrajudicial killings, or extrajudicial executions, happen when someone in an official position deliberately kills a person without any legal process. In most parts of the world, particularly in conflict zones such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Syria, Sudan, across Latin America, etc, such killings are usually carried out by militias, death squads or other non-state actors. In these regions, extrajudicial killings often target political opponents, activists, or marginalised groups. This is what makes the case of KZN unique – that those killed are not political opponents or activists, but criminals, usually the hardened who have caused a reign of terror in communities. This is why, unlike in the mentioned conflict zones where the killings are viewed as unjust and a violation of human rights, in South Africa, they are celebrated by millions of people. The reality of the situation is that crime has torn our country asunder. South Africa is one of the most violent places on earth and is consistently ranked among the most dangerous countries in the world for crime, frequently appearing in the top 5 or 10 on various lists. Gender-based violence (GBV) is especially high in the country. Consider the recently tabled crime statistics for the fourth quarter of the 2024/2025 financial year, covering the period from 1 January 2025 to 31 March 2025. During this quarter, sexual offences, including rape and contact sexual offences, along with commercial crime, have shown increases. There were 13 452 sexual offenses, with 10 688 of these being rapes. This translates to 116 rapes per day. And these are only reported cases. Many cases of sexual violence, including rape, go unreported owing to a myriad of factors. To understand how horrific these numbers are, consider that, according to the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), 10 000 cases of rape and sexual violence were reported to protection actors in war-torn eastern DRC in the same period. This means that more women are being raped in 'stable' democratic South Africa than they are in a conflict zone where rape is used as a weapon of war. In recent years, South Africa has introduced several important legal changes aimed at strengthening protections for victims and holding perpetrators accountable. Despite numerous legislative protections, women are still being subjected to unimaginable violence while perpetrators are rarely apprehended. As evidenced with Mongale's killers, perpetrators very often get away with crimes against women by either being granted bail with lenient conditions, if any, or not being prosecuted. In the few instances where prosecution does occur, especially for sexual crimes, conviction rates are extremely low and mandatory sentences are rarely ever given. A 2022 study by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) found that only around 14% of perpetrators of rape are convicted. Other data suggests even lower conviction rates for sexual offenses, with only 5% of adult rape cases and 9%bof child rape cases resulting in convictions. Low conviction rates are just as low for other categories of crime, with the conviction rate for murder sitting at around 6-12%. Regardless of what politicians are saying, South African police are losing the war on crime. The killings committed by police in KZN occur under such conditions – conditions of frustration by a police force that does its best to investigate crimes, only for the weak and ineffective National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) to bungle cases. These killings are happening in a state of desperation by communities who must endure the reign of terror that criminals are subjecting residents to. Without an effective strategy to combat the rampant crime that has come to define the face of democratic South Africa, we are left at the mercy of criminals. This is why, when KZN police shoot-to-kill, no-one sheds a tear and instead, hail Lieutenant-General Mkhwanazi and his men as heroes. I will admit that for a minute, I too celebrated the killing of Mongale's murderer. I am a woman and like other South African women, I know too well the horrors of violence and live in a state of debilitating fear and anxiety induced by crime in our country. But in celebrating such killings, we are setting parameters for something very dangerous. The South African state has a legal obligation to protect the right to life – a right that is enshrined in a Constitution that is the cornerstone of our democracy. Everyone is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and benefit of the law. Everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person, which includes the right to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources. These are inalienable human rights that we must uphold even in a state of anger and frustration. We may celebrate when it is criminals who are denied these rights, but the unintended consequence is that we are embalming a principle that could set parameters for genocide. Today, we clap because it is a murderer who was killed by the police. But tomorrow, emboldened and unaccountable, the same police will be killing innocent people, political opponents, activists and marginalised communities. By then, a precedent will have been cemented, and it will be almost impossible to reverse the tide. At that point, we will understand, too late, the argument of Professor Llyod Sachikonye whose masterpiece, When a State Turns on its Citizens: 60 Years of Institutionalised Violence in Zimbabwe, details how the precedent of violence set in the war of liberation has come to define the violence of the Zimbabwean state, where ZANU-PF rules with a margin of terror. Sachikonye contends that violence is not a light-switch that can be turned on and off at will – that once it is justified, once the precedent is set, it embalms a principle. A precedent, once established, becomes a lasting example that embodies the principle upon which it was based. Furthermore, such killings, while effective in the immediate, do not facilitate justice. They do not allow for meaningful closure for victims and their families, who are left with unanswered questions and are denied the right to confront their perpetrator, which provides immeasurable catharsis. These killings may, in fact, deny justice for some victims altogether, for once you murdered perpetrators, they can no longer reveal crucial details of unsolved crimes. We will never know how many other women Makhanya killed. We may never know how many undiscovered and unmarked graves of murdered women may exist. For some families, justice may never be done. Furthermore, dispensable foot-soldiers may be killed, to applause, while masterminds continue to recruit more willing foot-soldiers for the job. In this way, we could be dealing with symptoms rather than the cause. The solution to rampant crime in South Africa lies in addressing the systemic root causes of crime. It lies in strengthening public interest litigation and in arresting the rot in the NPA and the criminal justice system entirely. Anything less may offer temporary reprieve for communities and victims alike, but it does not cement the principle of justice and the forging of beloved community. Malaika, an award-winning and bestselling author, is a geographer and researcher at the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation. She is a PhD in Geography candidate at the University of Bayreuth in Germany.
The Citizen
2 days ago
- The Citizen
‘Purges in police drive up crime' says expert
Criminal law expert Cornelia van Graan said, despite SA's progressive and inclusive Domestic Violence Act, the femicide crisis persisted. Criminal law expert Cornelia van Graan said despite South Africa's progressive and inclusive Domestic Violence Act, the femicide crisis persisted. Picture:The removal of specialised units was the reason for the increase in violent crimes, including the murder of Olorato Mongale last week, according to experts. Mongale had gone on a date with her alleged killer, who picked her up from her residential complex on 25 May and drove her to Alexandra, where she was allegedly murdered. ALSO READ: Public urged to beware of strangers from dating apps Please, stop killing women Her body was dumped between Alexandra and Lombardy West. Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu said his department had noted an increase in incidents where women fell victim to relationships developed online. 'We caution young women in particular and women in general to be alert and to be in control when such communication and appointments are made,' he said. Mchunu pleaded with men: 'Please, stop killing women. This horrific act has deeply shocked and angered the nation. We unequivocally condemn the gruesome and inhumane killing of Olorato Mongale. 'No-one deserves to suffer such cruelty and our thoughts remain with her family, friends and community during this profoundly painful time.' Criminal law expert Cornelia van Graan said despite South Africa's progressive and inclusive Domestic Violence Act, the femicide crisis persisted. 'The police and the justice system have been gutted over the years and the police have been accused of being incompetent, with many members facing criminal accusations,' she said. ALSO READ: Man arrested for using fake Facebook profile to lure, kidnap, and rape women Police' additional funding But Van Graan noted the police received additional funding in the budget speech. 'The question is will the government implement strategies that can effectively curb violent crime and make crimes against women and children a priority, or is the new budget just showboating for the international community that has their eyes on the country due to the G20 summit:' she asked. Criminal defence expert advocate Johan Gaum said: 'It's ineptitude from the police because Jackie Selebi the then police commissioner neutralised all specialised detective services from murder to robbery.' NOW READ: ActionSA-ANC slams Zille's plans for Joburg: 'They do not believe in black excellence'
Daily Maverick
2 days ago
- Daily Maverick
Awful murders in SA can bring out the best and the worst in us
The murder of Olorato Mogale has gripped the country as gender-based violence, one of our biggest blights, has been put on full display yet again. For me it has brought up a few points of contention, however: the exceptionalisation of beauty, the benefits of proximity to social capital when action is needed, and the celebration of the suspected perpetrator dying during a shootout with the police. Much has been written about pretty privilege. As an article in Psychology Today by Dr Nafees Alam explains: 'Attractiveness can affect social mobility. Individuals who benefit from pretty privilege might have access to better social networks, which can open doors to opportunities and resources that are less accessible to others.' Social capital is 'any benefit that is derived from interaction between members of a social grouping or society'. In this instance, one could argue that a wealth of resources could be deployed for the speedy apprehension of Mongale's killer because of her network of friends and former colleagues who had access to both traditional and social media resources. There are many other cases of women perhaps not as attractive or socially connected who failed to galvanise similarly urgent action. Without wading into the 'damned if we do, damned if we don't' camp of thinking, I think it is certainly worth examining why certain cases grip our imagination, while others fall to the far reaches of our somnambulant, horror-fatigued minds. The other thing that worried me was the cheering of some when the number-one suspect was shot dead, the assertion being that he got his just deserts. I can definitely understand the anger at the injustice of Mongale's life being taken, but our Constitution warns us against such thinking because of the potential pitfalls it presents. In his paper reflecting on the death penalty as a deterrent in South Africa, Chris Derby Magobotiti, who holds a PhD in criminology, explains that the death penalty was abolished by the Constitutional Court as a sentence option for capital crimes in South Africa in 1995. Subsequently, section 277 of the Criminal Procedure Act was repealed because 'the Constitutional Court held that capital punishment infringed the rights to life and dignity, and constituted a cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment'. 'The court emphasised that various factors such as elements of arbitrariness, possibility of error in the enforcement of the death sentence, inequality and destruction of life make capital punishment cruel, inhumane and degrading, which is in conflict with the Constitution,' Magobotiti writes. In the Mongale case, a potentially fatal error was made when Fezile Ngubane was named as a suspect also linked to the case, but was later found not to have been involved. Magobotiti concludes that 'there is a lack of vigorous scientific analysis and empirical evidence to determine whether there is, historically, a deterrent effect of the death penalty in South Africa'. I say this not to invalidate the relief we all felt when Mongale's suspected killer was found, but to caution against extremes that would diminish the gains of humaneness and enlightenment we have made thus far. DM This story first appeared in our weekly Daily Maverick 168 newspaper, which is available countrywide for R35.
