
Stefany Shaheen kicks off 1st Congressional District Democratic primary bid
Stefany Shaheen kicks off 1st C.D. Dem primary bid
Stefany Shaheen of Portsmouth, the eldest daughter of Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., launched her Democratic primary bid for the too-be-vacant, 1st Congressional District seat.
Health care advocate and businesswoman Stefany Shaheen, 51, launched her Democratic primary for the to-be-vacant, 1st Congressional District seat, vowing to push back against the Trump administration cuts to medical research and insurance for children.
The eldest daughter of retiring U.S. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen instantly becomes a leading contender to try and replace four-term U.S. Rep. Chris Pappas, who is running for the Senate in 2026 to try and replace the elder Shaheen.
The announcement creates a competitive primary between two Portsmouth Democrats, Shaheen and Maura Sullivan, a Marine Iraq War veteran and former Obama administration official who finished second to Pappas in 2018.
Derry Republican businessman Chris Bright, who finished fourth in a 2024 primary in this district, is the only GOP figure to confirm that he'll be running next year.
The top three finishers in that 2024 GOP primary, former Executive Councilor Russ Prescott, Greenland businesswoman and veteran Hollie Noveletsky and Manchester Board of Aldermen President Joe Kelly Levasseur, are all considering their own campaigns.
Shaheen became a best-selling author of 'Elle & Coach' and an advocate when her eldest daughter, Elle, was diagnosed with Type 1 Diabetes at age 8.
She founded Good Measures, a small business that provides clinical and nutritional support to people living with chronic conditions and was a named inventor of some of the company's patents.
'For 15 years I've been a fierce fighter for medical research and innovation in health care to help people like my daughter, Elle, battling chronic, life-threatening diseases, like diabetes. So, when I see Donald Trump crushing medical research and slashing health care for kids, seniors and veterans to give tax breaks to billionaires and corporations, I have to fight back,' Shaheen said. That's why I'm running for Congress,' said Shaheen. 'No one fights harder than a mom for her kids, and that's how I will fight for your family too. I'll never give up.'
Craig Welch and Shaheen have four children.
Stefany Shaheen kicks off 1st C.D. bid
Stefany Shaheen, third from left, kicked off her Democratic primary bid for the First Congressional District seat. At far right is her husband, Craig Welch.
Joined Kamen's ARMI team
Shaheen released a two-minute video entitled, 'No One Fights Harder' as part of her campaign kickoff and planned to visit several communities in the 1st District the rest of this week.
She is part of a biotech initiative in Manchester's historic millyard as the chief strategy officer for Dean Kamen's Advance Regenerative Manufacturing Institute.
'If you are as outraged as I am, get in this fight with me,' Stefany Shaheen said in the video. 'In New Hampshire, we stand up for each other. Let's do this.'
A spokeswoman for the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee said Shaheen has made a career of climbing the ladder thanks to her last name.
Stefany Shaheen kicks off 1st C.D. bid
Stefany Shaheen, third from left, kicked off her Democratic primary bid for the First Congressional District seat. At far right is her husband, Craig Welch.
"Nepo baby Stefany Shaheen is a DC elitist who is committed to the Democrats' radical agenda that makes life more expensive and less safe. Granite Staters will resoundingly reject her and her out of touch policies,' said Maureen O'Toole, the eastern regional press secretary for NRCC.
A 'nepo baby' is a slang term referring to someone who has achieved success or opportunities due to familial connections.
Shaheen's team created a website and released several testimonials to her candidacy.
Andrea Amico, founder of Testing for Pease, said Shaheen became a champion for treating PFAS contamination found in the drinking water at the Pease International Tradeport.
'You could feel how deeply she related to the parents at Pease, who were worried about their children and the possible health effects from drinking contaminated water,' Amico said.
'Our fight was her fight, and she helped get the PFAS blood testing program, create the city's Community Advisory Board, and advocate for the first national PFAS Health Study to include our families,'
Her elective office career began when she won election to a seat on the Portsmouth City Council where she worked to tackle a parking shortage and also served on the Portsmouth Police Commission.
klandrigan@unionleader.com
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USA Today
14 minutes ago
- USA Today
Supreme Court lets Trump revoke safe-haven program for Cubans, Haitians, Venezuelans and Nicaraguans
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Yahoo
19 minutes ago
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PESG Research Report: Revolutionary Surgical Infection Prevention: PolyPid's D-PLEX100 Approaches Critical Phase 3 Data Readout
New report from PESG Research brand covers PolyPid*, which is tackleing the $10 billion dollar a year surgeical site infections cost with its innovative PLEX technology New York, May 30, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- PESG Research is releasing a report today examining PolyPid Ltd.*, an innovative late-stage biopharmaceutical company developing revolutionary localized drug delivery technologies for surgical infection prevention. The below report explores the company's breakthrough PLEX platform technology, its upcoming topline phase 3 data, and potential implications for transforming surgical care practices in the multi-billion dollar surgical site infection prevention market. This report contains sponsored content, please see refer to the disclaimers and disclosures included at the end of this report. Executive Summary The surgical site infection (SSI) prevention landscape stands at a potential inflection point as PolyPid Ltd. prepares to announce topline results from its pivotal SHIELD II Phase 3 trial by the end of Q2 2025. The company's D-PLEX100 represents a paradigm shift in infection prevention, utilizing novel polymer-lipid encapsulation matrix (PLEX) technology to deliver sustained antibiotic release directly at surgical sites for 30 days. With SSIs affecting up to 30% of colorectal surgeries and imposing substantial healthcare costs estimated at $10 billion annually in the US and EU, successful development of D-PLEX100 could address a critical unmet medical need. The FDA's assignment of Breakthrough Therapy, Fast Track, and Qualified Infectious Disease Product (QIDP) designations underscores the regulatory recognition of this approach's potential Critical Challenge of Surgical Site Infections Surgical site infections remain one of healthcare's most persistent challenges, representing 20% of all healthcare-associated infections in US hospitals. Despite advances in surgical techniques and prophylactic protocols, SSI rates in high-risk procedures like colorectal surgery can reach 30%, leading to extended hospital stays of 7-11 additional days and mortality risk increases of 2-11 fold. The economic burden is staggering, with direct costs averaging $11,000-26,000 per infection and total annual costs reaching approximately $10 billion in the US alone. Current prevention strategies rely primarily on systemic antibiotic prophylaxis administered intravenously 30-60 minutes before surgery. However, this approach faces fundamental limitations. Surgical incisions disrupt local blood flow, significantly limiting antibiotic penetration to the precise site where infections occur. Moreover, systemic administration exposes patients to higher drug concentrations throughout the body, potentially increasing toxicity risks and contributing to antimicrobial resistance development. PLEX Technology: A Novel Approach to Localized Drug Delivery PolyPid's proprietary PLEX technology represents a sophisticated advancement in controlled drug delivery systems. The platform creates thousands of alternating layers of biocompatible polymers and lipids that physically embed active pharmaceutical ingredients. As these outer layers gradually disintegrate upon exposure to body fluids, they enable precise, predetermined drug release rates spanning several days to months. For D-PLEX100, this technology pairs with doxycycline, a broad-spectrum antibiotic effective against both gram-positive and gram-negative bacteria, including methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) and other antibiotic-resistant strains. The formulation achieves local antibiotic concentrations 10-115 times higher than systemic administration while using only a fraction of the total drug amount, potentially minimizing systemic exposure and associated side effects. Clinical Development Progress and Regulatory Recognition The clinical development program for D-PLEX100 has demonstrated encouraging signals across multiple surgical contexts. In Phase 2 abdominal surgery trials, D-PLEX100 plus standard of care achieved a statistically significant 59% reduction in the primary endpoint compared to standard of care alone (p=0.0086). Perhaps more notably, the treatment group experienced zero deaths compared to five in the control arm within 60 days post-surgery. The pivotal SHIELD I Phase 3 trial, while not meeting its primary endpoint in the full intent-to-treat population, revealed compelling efficacy in a pre-specified subgroup analysis. Among patients with large surgical incisions (>20 cm), D-PLEX100 demonstrated a statistically significant 54% reduction in the composite primary endpoint of SSIs, reinterventions, and mortality (p=0.0032). This finding directly informed the design of the ongoing SHIELD II trial, which focuses specifically on this higher-risk patient FDA's regulatory designations reflect recognition of D-PLEX100's potential significance. Breakthrough Therapy designation is reserved for drugs that demonstrate substantial improvement over existing treatments for serious conditions. Fast Track designation facilitates more frequent FDA communications and potentially accelerated review timelines. The QIDP designation provides additional market exclusivity incentives for addressing antimicrobial resistance challenges. SHIELD II: A Potentially Definitive Study The ongoing SHIELD II Phase 3 trial represents a carefully designed study incorporating lessons learned from SHIELD I. Following an independent Data Safety Monitoring Board's review of unblinded efficacy data from the first 430 enrolled patients, the board recommended concluding the study at 800 patients—the lowest sample size reassessment option available. This recommendation, while requiring additional enrollment beyond the initially planned 624 patients, may suggest positive efficacy trends in the analyzed interim data. The study's multinational design spans approximately 60 centers across the United States, Europe, and Israel, enhancing the generalizability of results across different healthcare settings and patient populations. The primary endpoint focuses on a composite of SSI events, reinterventions, and mortality within 30 days post-surgery, as adjudicated by an independent committee. Broader Industry ImplicationsSuccess of D-PLEX100 could catalyze broader adoption of localized drug delivery approaches in surgical settings. The technology's platform nature suggests potential applications beyond infection prevention, including localized chemotherapy delivery through the company's OncoPLEX program, currently in preclinical development for solid tumor treatment. The substantial market opportunity—with approximately 12 million eligible procedures annually in the US and 8 million in Europe—underscores the potential healthcare impact. PolyPid has already secured European commercialization rights through a partnership with Advanz Pharma, valued at up to $115 million plus royalties, while advancing discussions for US market partnerships. Conclusion As the pharmaceutical industry grapples with antimicrobial resistance and healthcare systems seek cost-effective solutions to persistent clinical challenges, D-PLEX100's approaching data readout represents a potentially significant milestone. The convergence of compelling preclinical and early clinical data, regulatory recognition, and substantial unmet medical need positions this development as one to monitor closely in the evolving landscape of surgical infection News Highlight from PolyPid: PolyPid Announces Successful Completion of Enrollment in Phase 3 SHIELD II Trial of D-PLEX₁₀₀ for the Prevention of Abdominal Colorectal Surgical Site Infections >> Click here to Subscribe for more updates like this or go to * Legal Disclaimer & Disclosure: Nothing in this report constitutes medical, financial or any form professional or licensedadvice. This report is published by 'PESG Research', a digital promotional content brand who's operators are compensated to provide digestable and favorabel coverage of companies. This report contains and is a form of paid promotional content or advertising for PolyPid Ltd and was produced as part of the fee's they pay PESG's operators, Arx Advisory Ltd. This report has not been reviewed or approved by PolyPId prior to publication and it does not represent an official communication from PolyPid. The operators of PESG Research received or are expected to receive a monthly recurring fee of five thousand united states dollars via wire transfer from PolyPid as part of an ongoing agreement starting May 1, 2025 in return for distribution and promotional coverage services, and receive additional monthly compensation for non promotional unrelated data and advisory services on top of that. Please review the full disclaimers and compensation disclosures here for further details: Readers are advised to refer to the official materials of the company aforementioned. The report should not be treated as objective.


Politico
21 minutes ago
- Politico
Mamdani and his campaign doubted viability early on
NEW YORK — During the genesis of Zohran Mamdani's now-surging mayoral campaign, the candidate and his democratic socialist allies said it was highly likely — or even certain — that Mamdani would lose the mayor's race. Instead, the goal from the campaign's inception was to build the New York City arm of the Democratic Socialists of America, said six Democrats who relayed private discussions and meetings with Mamdani, a campaign staffer and DSA leadership. All were granted anonymity to freely discuss private strategy. 'He was pretty clearly like, 'I know I'm not running to win. I know I have no path to victory,'' said one Democrat, who spoke directly to Mamdani shortly before he launched his campaign. The strategy appears to be working. Since Mamdani's October campaign launch, DSA membership has grown 40 percent and a DSA leader told POLITICO the campaign has put together a trove of data the party can repurpose to launch primary challenges in areas where Mamdani is popular. 'Since Zohran launched his mayoral campaign, we have gained over 2,400 members,' Grace Mausser, co-chair of NYC-DSA, said in a statement. 'New members often mention Zohran's success and the refreshing nature of a candidate — and movement — that puts working people and affordability first.' Mamdani joined the race with little name recognition, less than four years in public office and a spot at the bottom of the crowded pack of candidates. Early polls put him at 2 percent or less in the race. But since his launch, he has risen to take a decisive hold on second place. His longshot effort has morphed into the strongest opposition to mayoral front-runner Andrew Cuomo. Mamdani was the first to max out in the city's public campaign finance system, has the backing of a super PAC and has the very real potential of landing key progressive endorsements from the Working Families Party and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as their top-ranked candidate. Ocasio-Cortez's membership in the NYC-DSA and her national popularity have made her a power broker on the left. But barring a primary win, the yardstick for measuring Mamdani's success may end up being subjective. Some on the left, who are already rankled by his rise, are more inclined to preemptively view his run as a failure. Many progressives fear Mamdani's label as a Democratic Socialist repels voters in a city ruled by a moderate Democratic governor and a moderate Democratic mayor-turned-friend of President Donald Trump. Mamdani's positions on Israel and thin legislative experience don't endear him with the political establishment, either. All of this, they claim, is blocking other candidates closer to the center-left who could be capable of building a broad enough coalition to beat Cuomo. Mayoral hopeful Brad Lander has the cash, legislative record, experience winning a citywide election and support from Democratic electeds to theoretically attract a base big enough to win the primary — but Mamdani has prevented him from breaking out of an increasingly distant third place. While a Marist College poll conducted earlier this month shows just one-fourth of Democratic voters in the city identify as 'very liberal' — a potential ceiling for Mamdani — a poll released this week showed him surpassing that benchmark in later rounds of ranked choice voting. The survey found he came within just eight points of beating Cuomo in the final round. 'From the day he entered this race, Zohran has been running to win — and nothing demonstrates that quite like the latest polls, which have us less than nine points away from defeating Andrew Cuomo,' Mamdani's spokesperson, Lekha Sunder, said in a statement. 'With still three weeks to go, millions in cash-on-hand, and 25,000 volunteers who believe in this movement, we are on a clear path to victory and to a city New Yorkers can actually afford.' DSA leadership's statements and resolutions also show the organization's members can range from reluctant to outright hostile when it comes to embracing other anti-Cuomo candidates in the city's ranked choice voting system. 'Their goal was to get in third place and to build the party, build the DSA, and now their goal seems to be to get into second place and build the DSA,' said another Democrat, who spoke directly with top DSA leadership this fall after Mamdani launched his campaign. Members of the DSA who were present during the fall forum when Mamdani sought the DSA's endorsement say the campaign was pitched as a party-building exercise, instead of a genuine path to City Hall. 'It was just said over and over again, that this was a way to build the base that would make it easier to win campaigns in the future,' said one DSA member. A Mamdani spokesperson, Mausser and Michael Whitesides, the DSA's current electoral working group co-chair, deny this. 'That was not how this was framed to me,' Whitesides said. 'I don't think DSA takes on races we feel like we can't win. We can appreciate it's a long shot and think about the consolation prizes — like grow capacity or learn new skills — but we as an organization are not in races to lose. The thrust of the pitch to run Zohran was to try and win.' Mamdani's campaign also directed POLITICO to previous statements from the candidate, including in late February when he said, 'We always were setting up a campaign that could win this race.' But the city's DSA chapter — which hasn't supported a mayoral candidate since David Dinkins' run in 1989 — is open about the fact that Mamdani's campaign is simultaneously serving as a vehicle for the future of the party. 'We're seeing a crazy amount more interest in voting for a socialist than I would have guessed eight months ago,' Mausser said. 'One thing we'll be looking at is: OK, what neighborhoods voted for Zohran number one? Are these places that we can and should be running in the future?' In recent weeks, Mamdani has stood out as the candidate willing to boost other candidates — who all trail Cuomo by even wider margins than Mamdani's. He's the only candidate who has promised to endorse someone else as a No. 2 ballot choice through the city's ranked choice voting system, and he encouraged his supporters to donate to City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams' mayoral campaign after he raised the maximum amount through the city's public campaign finance program. Despite these efforts, the DSA's local party leadership, who are fully behind Mamdani's bid, have stood in the way of supporting other candidates. Mausser confirmed the party passed a resolution calling for DSA-endorsed elected officials to announce their intentions to rank Mamdani first on their mayoral ballot — if they don't, it could count against them the next time the organization is doling out endorsements. Last month, Gustavo Gordillo, NYC-DSA's other co-chair, applauded Bronx state Sen. Gustavo Rivera for endorsing Mamdani — and cheered his decision to not endorse Lander, whose positions on the Israel-Hamas war and freezing rent put him at odds with the DSA. 'Credit to Gustavo Rivera for not being afraid to tell Brad no and buck the left-liberal orthodoxy,' Gordillo wrote in a since-deleted X post. Mausser stressed the DSA does not have a formal position on the other candidates and is only rooting against Cuomo, who polling shows is projected to capture 50 percent of both Black Democratic voters and Democratic voters from the Bronx. He's also projected to win the support of 41 percent of Latino voters. And while Mamdani places second in all recent polls, he has struggled to gain ground with groups representing a disproportionate share of low-income earners — the very demographic the DSA purports to be focused on persuading. An April Siena College poll found Mamdani captured just 10 percent of Black voters, who, along with Latinos, make up the largest share of the city's low-income residents. He won only 2 percent of the vote in the Bronx, where median income significantly trails other boroughs. 'You can't win a mayoral race as a progressive without the support of working and middle class, black and brown communities, and this campaign does not have those relationships,' one DSA member told POLITICO. 'They have not had that from the jump, and as the race has unfolded, that has continued to be the case.' Sunder, Mamdani's campaign spokesperson, said the campaign has knocked on about 12,000 doors in the Bronx and won endorsements from current and former Bronx elected officials like Rep. Jamaal Bowman, who left office in January. The campaign also touted Mamdani's support from Latino voters, which Marist clocked at 20 percent in its poll. Gordillo said in another social media post that the DSA is using Mamdani's campaign to, in part, increase awareness residents have of their own position in the city's socioeconomic strata. 'NYC DSA is the only org on the left trying to use the mayoral race to change the political terrain on our terms and to raise class consciousness,' he wrote. 'I think this experiment will have outsized effects like Bernie did in 2016.' The line between Mamdani's campaign and Gordillo and Mausser's DSA chapter has been hazy from the start. The party helped orchestrate Mamdani's launch, and Mamdani made it clear he would not run for mayor unless he had the DSA's support. There are weekly meetings between the campaign and the chapter, and DSA members are helping with strategy in addition to taking the lead on his canvassing operation, Mausser said. So far, with the DSA's help, Mamdani has knocked 545,000 doors, according to his campaign. While Mausser claimed the DSA and Mamdani are in it to win it, regardless of whether he wins or loses, the post-primary prospects for the party — and Mamdani — are already looking up. She pointed to the possibility of a failed mayoral bid cementing Mamdani's influence over the left flank of city politics, an outcome similar to the one experienced by Cynthia Nixon, Cuomo's 2018 gubernatorial primary challenger. Nixon hasn't run for office since, but she hosted a fundraiser for Mamdani in March. 'Even if he loses, we'll now have an assemblymember who's dedicated to working with us, who has a huge profile and who can use his political clout to fight for DSA's priorities in Albany,' Mausser said. 'Cynthia Nixon is still a much sought endorser, and Zohran can find himself in a similar position as being something of a power broker for the progressive left.'