Here's how much Israel is spending on Iron Dome, the country's best known air defence system
Israel has been involved in multiple conflicts — these include armed warfares with Palestinian militant groups Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, apart from those with Iran.
It has repeatedly used its expansive air defence systems to counter missile attacks from its enemies. Of them, Iron Dome is the best known.
The Iron Dome is a short-range, ground-to-air, air defence system that includes a radar and interceptor missiles, which track and neutralise rockets or missiles fired at Israeli targets.
The genesis of the Iron Dome goes back to the 2006 Israeli-Lebanon war, when Hezbollah aimed thousands of rockets into Israel. Just the following year, Israel announced that its state-run Rafael Advance Systems would come up with a new air defence system to protect its cities and people. It was developed with Israel Aerospace Industries and the Iron Dome was deployed in 2011.
Iron Dome is used for countering rockets, artillery & mortars (C-RAM) as well as aircraft, helicopters and unmanned aerial vehicles.
Iron Dome detects and tracks incoming rockets with radar and calculates which ones are likely to reach populated areas. It then fires missiles at these rockets, leaving the others to fall on open ground.
The IDF claimed that Iron Dome destroys 90% of the rockets it targets.
Iron Dome batteries are installed all across Israel. A single Iron Dome battery is equipped with three to four missile launchers, each of which contains up to 20 Tamir missiles. According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington-based think tank, 'Tamir' interceptors of the Iron Dome cost about $40,000 to $50,000 each.
In 2024, Israel spent about 100 billion shekels ($28 billion) on various military conflicts, news agency Reuters reported in January. This had shot up the government's borrowing and the nation's debt burden.
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Hamas Stands As A Sinister Offshoot Of Nazi Ideology
Last Updated: As the Third Reich crumbled, so did the hopes of Brotherhood that Nazi allies would unleash a storm of violence upon Egypt and Israel, ridding the region of its Jewish population In his fevered dreams of a New Europe, Hitler envisioned a future steeped in a 'bold policy of friendship toward Islam' (Bormann 1945, 28). He clung to the belief that Germany's Islam policy had merely scratched the surface of its potential, a tantalising possibility lost in the murk of missed opportunities and misguided allegiances. In exploring the depths of historical accounts, a striking truth comes to light: Hitler harboured a paradoxical fascination for Islam, tempered by an unmistakable disdain. The allure of power and the embodiment of masculinity—the very essence of a 'Totalitarian' character—captivated him, drawing his attention like a moth to a flame. This fervent cult, born from the arid sands of the desert, shimmered before him as the ideal ally in his grand ambitions. To Hitler, Islam represented a formidable force, an unyielding strength that echoed his own aspirations for dominance. The teachings and fervour of the faith seemed to resonate with his vision of a world ruled by might and resolve. As I pen this prologue, a dark pall lingers over the fate of hundreds of Israeli hostages ensnared by the machinations of Hamas, a harrowing aftermath of the Jihadi atrocity unleashed on 7 October 2023 (The Economist 2023).29 What began as a mere hypothesis now evolves into a compelling theory: Hamas stands as a sinister offshoot of Nazi ideology. On that fateful day, this terrorist entity, entwined in a lineage forged from the convergence of Nazis and Islamists, executed the most grotesque massacre of Jews since the Holocaust (The Guardian 2023). The slaughter of innocents—men, women, children, and the elderly—was not simply a repetition of past horrors; it was, in many ways, the culmination of a Nazi crime stretching across nearly eight decades. The roots of this malevolence can be traced back to 1946 when the Muslim Brotherhood convened its inaugural conference in Gaza, a setting chosen for its proximity to the Samer Cinema (Filiu 2012, 56). This theatre, a modest emblem of secular Western culture, would soon fall silent as the Islamist movement tightened its grip on Gaza, seeking to obliterate what it deemed a decadent legacy. In this atmosphere, the Brotherhood's journey began, setting the stage for the emergence of what would ultimately be known as Hamas. Its expansion into Israel took shape a year earlier, in 1945, a time when its foreign benefactors—the Nazis—had surrendered, severing the financial lifeline that had propelled the Brotherhood from obscurity to prominence within the Egyptian political landscape (Abu-Amr 1994, 3). Without the backing of Nazi Germany's military might, the Brotherhood faced a precarious future, isolated from British oversight and the Egyptian monarchy, both wary of the Islamist group's ambitions. By 1948, Egypt would outlaw the Brotherhood, and a year later, Hassan al-Banna, its charismatic architect, would be gunned down in the streets of Cairo (Egyptian Chronicles 2008). Al-Banna, who had harboured a fascination for Nazi methodologies, was noted in a British report for his meticulous study of fascist organisations. He sought to replicate their structure within the Brotherhood, forging a cadre of trusted men akin to the Brownshirts and Blackshirts (Abdel-Samad 2016, 27–32). Despite profound ideological and ethnic disparities, the Nazis and the Brotherhood converged on a singular objective: the extermination of the Jews (Patterson 2010, 84,163; Hitchens 2007). A Nazi agent tasked with financing the Brotherhood chronicled their calls for Jihad in Israel (Patterson 2010, 131). At the helm of this dark alliance was Hitler's Mufti, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, who played a pivotal role in uniting the Muslim Brotherhood with Nazi forces (Küntzel 2007, 37). Husseini, who had urged Hitler to annihilate the Jews of Israel, hailed the Brotherhood as 'the troops of Allah', while Al-Banna lauded the Mufti as the 'hero who challenged an empire and fought Zionism, with the help of Hitler and Germany'. On the sombre winter's day of 12 February 1946, a Slovak Jew by the name of Endre (Andrew) Steiner etched his testimony into history with a notarised affidavit—a tale of despair, intrigue, and fleeting hope from the shadowed corridors of 1943–44. Steiner, whose life had become entwined with the desperate mission of the 'working group', recounted his encounters with SS officer Dieter Wisliceny, a figure both sinister and pivotal. Like an artefact unearthed from a battlefield of morality, this three-page affidavit sheds light on a chilling chapter of human conspiracy. Within its meticulously inked lines, the haunting spectre of the Mufti emerges—a figure whose actions and alliances carried weight far beyond the sands of his homeland. He stated: 'In this further talk, Wisliceny provided me with additional details about the cooperation between Eichmann and the Mufti. He stated that the Mufti was an implacable arch-enemy of the Jews and had also long been a champion of the extermination of the Jews. He said that the Mufti also constantly pursued this idea in his talks with Eichmann, who was, as is known, a German born in Palestine. He said that the Mufti was also one of the initiators of the systematic extermination of the European Jews by the Germans, and that in the implementation of this plan, the Mufti had been a constant associate and advisor of Eichmann and Himmler." Only for Review We have other evidence to confirm this. Rudolf Kasztner, a man navigating the fractured landscape of postwar testimonies, submitted an affidavit that mirrored the revelations of Steiner. It was an account shaped by the echoes of a dark history—words spoken by Wisliceny, a harbinger of Nazi secrets, during their encounter. Kasztner's affidavit unravelled like a delicate scroll marred by the ink of tragedy and complicity. He meticulously recounted the chilling narrative Wisliceny had shared, a tale steeped in manipulation, betrayal, and the cold calculation of the Hakenkreuz regime. The essence of their dialogue loomed large, resonating with the weight of unspoken horrors and the moral labyrinth of a world torn by war. Each sentence in Kasztner's statement was a thread weaving together fragments of a grim tableau—testimony that sought to immortalise the whispers of a conversation cloaked in ominous revelation. Sells (2015, 723–728) stated the following: 'According to my opinion, the Grand Mufti, who has been in Berlin since 1941, played a role in the decision of the German Government to exterminate the European Jews, the importance of which must not be disregarded. he had repeatedly suggested to the various authorities with whom he has been in contact, above all before Hitler, Ribbentrop and Himmler, the extermination of European Jewry. He considered this as a comfortable solution of the Palestine problem. In his messages broadcast from Berlin, he surpassed us [the nazi regime] in anti-Jewish attacks. he was one of Eichmann's best friends and has constantly incited him to accelerate the extermination measures. I heard him say that, accompanied by Eichmann, he has visited incognito the gas chamber at Auschwitz." In the harrowing days of 1944, as Hungary lay under the iron boot of German occupation, the stage was set for clandestine encounters and sinister exchanges. Among these shadowed corridors of desperation, the figure of Dieter Wisliceny emerged—a harbinger of unspeakable truths and chilling revelations. It was here, in this fraught landscape, that another Jewish negotiator crossed paths with Wisliceny, seeking clarity amidst the encroaching chaos. The air was thick with dread, heavy as a storm-laden sky, as Wisliceny repeated a claim that seemed to echo from the very depths of intrigue: a revelation concerning the Mufti of Jerusalem. The negotiator, his spirit burdened yet unyielding, listened as the dark threads of history were spun before him. Two years later, in 1946, this fateful interaction would resurface, etched into the annals of what came to be known as the Kasztner Report—a document both searing and sobering. Kasztner himself bore witness to an even darker testament as Adolf Eichmann, the orchestrator of annihilation, uttered words of a similar vein. The testimony hung like an ominous bell toll, reverberating with the weight of secrets too perilous to be forgotten. Kasztner (2013, 324) said, 'From the testimonies of Eichmann and Wisliceny I learned about the role that the Mufti of Jerusalem had played (note that, as Eichmann, who had disappeared by 1945, is mentioned here as one of the informers, makes it clear that Kasztner is speaking about statements made in Hungary in 1944, when he negotiated rescue efforts with Eichmann). My statement about this, published by the world press, gave rise to interpellations in England's house of commons." As the Third Reich crumbled, so too did the hopes of the Brotherhood that their Nazi allies would unleash a storm of violence upon Egypt and Israel, ridding the region of its Jewish population. Instead, the Brotherhood had to adapt, crafting a political entity with a paramilitary wing to seize power across the Muslim world (Gershoni 2009, 213). Cells of the Brotherhood began to sprout in Israel, with the mission overseen by Said Ramadan, Al-Banna's son-in-law. Ramadan would later forge an alliance with the Saudis, enabling the Brotherhood to amass wealth and expand its influence (Commins 2009, 152). From Munich, Ramadan orchestrated the central operations of the Brotherhood at a mosque established by former Nazi soldiers who had defected during the war (Johnson 2010, 123). A CIA report from the 1950s characterised Ramadan as a 'fascist type', consumed with the desire to drive Jews from Israel (Johnson 2010, 118). The establishment of Brotherhood organisations across Israel was no mere expansion; it was a clarion call to arms. Deprived of Nazi support, the Brotherhood sought to build its military capabilities by instigating conflicts in Israel without arousing immediate reprisals from authorities. Their objectives extended beyond Israel, targeting Egypt and consolidating power among local clans (Shadid 1988). In Gaza, alliances were formed with influential families, such as the Shawwas, who were linked to the Ottoman Empire and distrusted by the British. Said al-Shawwa, the Ottoman mayor of Gaza, had been a key figure on the Supreme Muslim Council alongside Hajj Amin al-Husseini (Kupferschmidt 1987, 25). The Islamic scouting movement resonated differently in the Muslim world than in the UK. Here, it prepared boys for jihad, with some factions drawing inspiration from Nazi ideology. Al-Husseini's scouts, donning uniforms reminiscent of Hitler Youth, proclaimed themselves the 'Nazi Scouts' (Morris 2001, 124; Porath 2023, 75–76). The Brotherhood, too, established its own scouting group, one rooted in the principles of jihad and modelled after the Hitler Youth (Morris 2001, 124; Porath 2023, 75–76; Abdel Salam and De Waal 2004, 55). In the lead-up to Israel's declaration of independence, Hassan al-Banna witnessed the Brotherhood's inaugural assaults on Jewish communities (El-Awaisi 1998, 208–209; Morris 2008, 77–78). Kfar Darom, a beleaguered Jewish village, became the first target of their onslaught (Givati 1994, 54). After enduring months of siege, the Muslim Brotherhood launched an attack on Kfar Darom, where a handful of Israeli militias valiantly defended the lives of 400 men, women, and children (Givati 1994, 54). The Brotherhood's forces, though relentless, met fierce resistance and were driven back, losing seventy men in the clash. Among their ranks was an Egyptian named Yasser Arafat, though he was not among the fallen. Though the Brotherhood faced defeat, it was merely a temporary setback. In 2005, when Israel dismantled its Jewish communities in Gaza, Hamas leader Mahmoud Zahar claimed the Kfar Darom synagogue for Islam, a testament to the Brotherhood's enduring ambitions. Their initial jihad may have faltered, but it succeeded in forging alliances that would prove pivotal. The Brotherhood's insurrection against British rule facilitated a military coup that saw Egyptian officers seize power, a relationship fraught with tension that would erupt into violence against non-Muslims, with Israel again in the crosshairs (Uwaysī 1998, 176–177). The Brotherhood's mobs dismantled Egypt's Westernised lifestyle, leaving in their wake a landscape scarred by violence. In Gaza, their objective remained clear: to 'Islamize' the region, embarking on a terror campaign that sought to reshape not just Gaza, but Egypt and the world (Davidson 1998, 97–98). Long before the Six-Day War, which would see Israel reclaim Gaza, the Islamic terrorists known as 'Fedayeen' sought to penetrate borders with the express purpose of murdering Jews. Their barbarity culminated in the Massacre at Scorpions' Pass, where innocent men, women, and children returning from a beach trip were brutally slaughtered. This alliance between the Egyptian military and the Muslim Brotherhood marked the genesis of modern Islamic terrorism. Egyptian officers trained and dispatched terrorists from Gaza to infiltrate Israel, dismissing the ensuing atrocities as the actions of local Bedouin Arabs, thus evading accountability (El-Awaisi 1998, 208–209; Roberts 2017, 49; Frampton 2018, 46). While the Israelis were aware of the truth, the Egyptian government's facade of plausible deniability sufficed for international observers, including the United Nations. In the face of Israeli retaliation, the world condemned attacks on civilians while excoriating Israel for targeting the Egyptian officers orchestrating the violence. What had begun as a conflict between nations had morphed into a battle between a state and insurgents masquerading as civilians. top videos View all Seven decades later, Hamas continues this legacy, now acting as a proxy for nations such as Iran (Srivastava, Jalabi, and Zilber 2023; Peled 2024) and Qatar (Batrawy 2023). The author is an architect and historian. This extract has been taken from his book, 'Hitler: The Proclaimed Messiah of the Palestinian Cause', with the permission of the publisher, BluOne Ink. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Click here to add News18 as your preferred news source on Google. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 18, 2025, 19:07 IST News opinion Opinion | Hamas Stands As A Sinister Offshoot Of Nazi Ideology Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. 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MFs foreign assets drop 5.6 pc to USD 8.3 bn in FY25: RBI
Agency: PTI Mumbai, Aug 18 (PTI) Indian mutual funds' overseas assets dropped 5.6 per cent to USD 8.3 billion in FY25, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) said on Monday. At the end of FY24, Indian mutual funds held assets of over USD 8.81 billion in foreign assets, as per the central bank's annual survey of foreign assets and liabilities of mutual funds. 'Overseas assets of MFs declined 5.6 per cent and stood at USD 8.3 billion in March 2025, due to lower holdings of foreign equity securities," the RBI said. There was a 3.9 per cent drop in equity securities held abroad by MFs at market value in the US at Rs 44,500 crore, while the same in Ireland and Taiwan also witnessed declines. Over 95 per cent of the overseas equity investment of the MFs were concentrated in the US, Luxembourg, and Ireland, the RBI said. It can be noted that FY25 witnessed volatilities in the global markets because of continuing geopolitical tensions amid tensions between Ukraine-Russia and in Israel, while change of guard in the US and the newer way of looking at trade policies by President Donald Trump also led to some nervousness among investors. The flows into MFs' equity schemes surged nearly 25 per cent to Rs 29.45 lakh crore in FY25, indicating stronger preference among investors to punt on the domestic markets. The RBI survey revealed that the foreign liabilities of MFs increased 19.9 per cent in FY25 to USD 30.5 billion at market value, due to the rise in units issued to non-residents. People in the UAE were the biggest holders in Indian MFs' schemes at Rs 52,549 crore, while Australia had the highest growth at over 40 per cent in the liabilities of domestic MFs. Non-residents of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the United States of America (USA), the United Kingdom (UK), and Singapore held the largest share in MF units, both in terms of face value as well as at market value, the RBI said. Foreign liabilities of asset management companies increased 16.8 per cent to USD 7.5 billion in March 2025, on the back of higher inward direct investments, while the overseas assets of AMCs increased marginally from their previous year's level and were largely held in Guernsey, Singapore, and Mauritius. PTI AA TRB view comments First Published: August 18, 2025, 19:15 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
