UCLA suspends Students for Justice in Palestine after protest at UC regent's home
Chancellor Julio Frenk said in a campuswide message the decision by the UCLA Office of Student Conduct was an interim suspension while internal judicial procedures over the groups — Students for Justice in Palestine and Graduate Students for Justice in Palestine — took place.
The organizations, which supported pro-Palestinian encampments last year, will no longer be able to reserve space for meetings on campus, apply for student club funding, or affiliate themselves with UCLA.
Read more: UC Regent Jay Sures' Brentwood home vandalized in pro-Palestinian rally
The conduct proceedings and suspensions have no end date.
"Without the basic feeling of safety, humans cannot learn, teach, work and live — much less thrive and flourish," Frenk said in his letter. "This is true no matter what group you are a member of — or which identities you hold. There is no place for violence in our Bruin community."
UCLA joins several other UCs and other campuses throughout the country that have banned or suspended SJP.
At UC Santa Cruz, the organization is suspended until September 2026. At UC Irvine, a suspension is in place through November 2029. And at UC San Diego, SJP was charged last spring with activities "incompatible with the orderly operation of campus" and did not renew its campus group status in the fall.
The UCLA suspensions come after UC adopted "zero-tolerance" polices for code of conduct violations following unrest during spring 2024 when campuses erupted in contentious protests — and violence targeted the UCLA pro-Palestinian encampment. The policy bans masking while breaking the law, including vandalism.
UCLA's rules add that it can hold students accountable for off-campus behavior if university leaders believe students have acted violently or endorsed violence. While the LAPD is investigating potential crimes during the incident at Sures' home, UCLA is not pursuing campus charges against individual students related to the actions.
In his letter, Frenk cited Instagram posts from the UCLA SJP groups advertising an early morning Feb. 5 protest outside the regent's home. Dozens of protesters — their faces concealed with scarves and masks — showed up with drums, fliers and signs demanding the UC system divest from Israel.
The activists "harassed" Sures and used "threatening messages," Frenk said, and held a banner reading, "Jonathan Sures, you will pay until you see your final day.' Frenk also said protesters "vandalized the Sures home by applying red-colored handprints to the outer walls of the home and hung banners on the property's hedges."
Sures, a UCLA alumnus and vice chairman at United Talent Agency, is one of 18 UC regents. An outspoken supporter of Israel, he called the actions of pro-Palestinian campus protesters antisemitic as encampments and conflicts with administrators and police escalated last year.
In a Feb. 5 Instagram post, accounts for the SJP chapters group said Sures is "one of the unelected officials responsible for protecting UC investments in genocide and weapons manufacturing." The post includes a doctored image of Sures in a suit with fire burning behind him under a pro-Palestinian banner and his hands edited to appear bloody.
In another post, the groups said, "Regents have repeatedly kicked us out of their meetings, canceled forums for public comment, and criminalized our attempts to protest investment policies. We have taken our issues straight to the Regents because they have systematically militarized our campus in response."
In an interview, Sures said he believed students chose his home because he is Jewish.
"This is not about me. I'm the target but this is about protecting every member of our community from intimidation and hate," Sures said. "The conceit that somehow you will intimidate me and the University of California will divest is silly and illogical. That's never going to happen."
In response to encampments, UC leaders said last year that they would not divest from Israel. About 18% of the university system's $175 billion in assets are connected to weapons companies, investment funds with Israeli ties, corporations such as Disney targeted by pro-Palestinian activists or U.S. bonds.
Graeme Blair, a member of UCLA's Faculty for Justice in Palestine, said the suspensions were part of a pattern of "violence against Arab, Muslim, Palestinian, and pro-Palestine students."
"Just like in April, administrators today selectively deployed the charge of violence, not against those whose actions cause physical harm, but against those whose speech they dislike," said Blair, an associate professor of political science. "Chancellor Frenk and the UC regents' continuing complicity in genocide is violence. ... To call hanging banners on shrubs violence is a despicable distortion."
The UCLA SJP groups posted brief statements on Instagram Wednesday. "Damn, that's crazy," said a post on the graduate student group's account under a copy of Frenk's letter.
"Hey guys, @UCLA just 'interim suspended' our chapter," said the UCLA SJP account. "Stay tuned and turn on our story and post notifications to stay updated." An emoji of a Palestinian flag ended the post.
Kira Stein, the chair of UCLA's Jewish Faculty Resilience Group, said "it was about time" for the suspensions after more than a year of complaints her group has raised about SJP.
Stein, an assistant clinical professor of psychiatry, said SJP organizations have been "weaponizing political dissent to mask blatant antisemitism, using intimidation, harassment and inflammatory disinformation to divide and destabilize our campus. ... We have a long list of SJP violations of university rules and regulations that we have been sharing with the administration."
In an interview, UC Regent Rich Leib, who has also spoken in favor of pro-Israel campus communities, said he was "very supportive" of suspension.
"I strongly believe in peaceful protest but doing things at private residences and intimidating people is not a peaceful protest. What they did to Regent Sures' house and what they did to his family was way beyond a peaceful protest," Leib said.
The union representing UC police hailed the suspension — and called on UCLA to "to demand prosecution" if protesters break the law.
"Universities cannot allow lawlessness under the guise of activism. Only through full accountability will these students learn to confine their actions to those permitted by law and university policy," said the statement from Wade Stern, president of the Federated University Peace Officers Assn.
Pro-Palestinian movements grew quickly on U.S. campuses after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel and the ensuing war in Gaza. Last spring, protesters erected encampments and demanded divestment. Actions at UCLA were among the largest in the nation.
UCLA, in internal and external reviews, has been faulted for a failure to quickly coordinate a response with Los Angeles police and other law enforcement when vigilantes attacked the pro-Palestinian encampment there on April 30 and May 1.
The university created a new campus safety office in response and, last month, said it hired former LAPD Cmdr. Steve Lurie to lead it. Lurie previously oversaw the department's West Bureau, which includes UCLA.
The Westwood campus has increased restrictions on protests since fall — making the majority of public areas off-limits to demonstrations without permits — and upped the presence of campus security guards.
Read more: UCLA students and faculty raise alarm on antisemitic and anti-Palestinian hate amid ongoing protests
UCLA has also been embroiled in a host of lawsuits, investigations and strife over pro-Palestinian protests.
In October, a group of pro-Palestinian UCLA students and faculty members filed a lawsuit in state court, alleging that the university violated their free speech rights when it cleared the spring encampment and wrongly subjected them to disciplinary measures over protesting. Earlier, a federal judge in a separate case ordered UCLA to ensure equal access to Jewish students, three of whom alleged that the university enabled encampment protesters to block Jews from parts of campus.
Also in October, the UCLA Task Force to Combat Antisemitism and Anti-Israeli Bias released a 93-page report on "broad-based perceptions of antisemitic and anti-Israeli bias on campus' since 2023. The UCLA Task Force on Anti-Palestinian, Anti-Muslim and Anti-Arab Racism has also published three reports since April detailing a campus that's "less safe than ever' for those groups and criticizing "increased harassment, violence, and targeting' of them.
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This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

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Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
Israel is making sure there is no one to document the horror of its war
Since the gruesome Hamas attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, that killed about 1,200 Israelis, Israel has waged a pitiless war in Gaza. More than 62,000 people have been killed, including some 18,500 children, according to local health authorities in what is considered by many experts to be an undercount. Most of the tiny enclave is now rubble; almost all of Gaza's 2 million people have been forced to flee their homes, many repeatedly. Since Israel ended the latest ceasefire in March, it has sharply curtailed the amount of humanitarian aid reaching Gaza. Most of its population, according to the United Nations, is experiencing or staring down starvation. Advertisement Amid so much suffering, the targeting of a single journalist may seem like an individual tragedy. But coming as Israel begins an all-out assault to capture Gaza City and as Benjamin Netanyahu has said he intends to occupy all of Gaza in the face of growing global condemnation, the killing of al-Sharif, like the killing in March of his fellow Al Jazeera correspondent Hossam Shabat, marks an ominous new phase in the war. Advertisement To justify its pitiless pulverizing of Gaza, Israel has endlessly invoked the threat of Hamas, supposedly lurking in schools, hospitals, homes and mosques. Now it has begun not only accusing individual journalists of being Hamas fighters but also openly admitting to killing them in targeted attacks, based on purported evidence that is all but impossible to verify. With Gaza closed to international journalists, this new campaign has created a pretext to eliminate the remaining journalists with the platform to bear witness and terrify anyone brave enough to attempt to take the place of the fallen. It has also exposed the cruel logic at the heart of Israel's prosecution of the war: If Hamas is everywhere, then every Palestinian in Gaza is Hamas. This is truly a war with no limits, and soon there may be no journalists left to document its horror. I have long been awed by the work of journalists who find their own homeland under attack. I spent years in war zones as a foreign correspondent, working alongside some of the bravest and finest journalists I've ever encountered. We were engaged in the same work, fundamentally: trying to help the world understand seemingly incomprehensible suffering. As an American employed by an American news organization, I stood on the same front lines in Congo, in Darfur, in Kashmir and elsewhere. But I would fly home to safety, while they would remain, struggling along with everyone else to survive. Advertisement We differed in another important way as well. I chose and pursued a career in journalism. For many reporters from war zones, the profession chose them. This was the story of Mohammed Mhawish, a young man from Gaza City. When Hamas attacked Israel, he was dreaming of a career in the arts. He had graduated from the Islamic University in Gaza, where he studied English and creative writing, and hoped to write literature and poetry. Instead, he found himself working as a journalist for Al Jazeera's English-language service. 'It was a feeling of obligation to my people and a responsibility to my hometown that was being destroyed in real time,' he told me. 'I never imagined myself being given the responsibility or assigned the responsibility to be writing through destruction and death and loss and tragedy.' Gaza City is a small place, so he got to know al-Sharif as they both struggled to cover the catastrophe unfolding around them. 'He was this really brave young person,' Mhawish told me. Before the war, his work had focused on culture and ordinary life. 'He reported on families having hope, families getting married, people celebrating life accomplishments, people just enjoying life on a daily basis. He never wanted or aspired to be a correspondent carrying a responsibility for his entire people.' Advertisement The work took a toll on al-Sharif. 'I remember many times where he was in public and sometimes personally with other colleagues of his in Gaza, just saying how hungry he was,' Mhawish said. 'How tired, how exhausted, how terrified and how scared -- he was really scared all the time. He was feeling that he was being watched and he's being hunted and he's being targeted.' Under international law, journalists are considered civilians. But since the beginning of the war in Gaza, at least 192 journalists have been killed, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (I'm on the organization's board). 'At some point, I had to abandon my press vest because it no longer provided me with the protection that I was seeking,' Mhawish told me. 'In fact, it functioned as a target on my back.' Mhawish left Gaza last year. Al-Sharif's death, coming after so many threats from Israeli military officials, was an especially devastating blow. 'At the end of the day, he chose to give the sacrifice of his life,' Mhawish said. 'I am really, really tired of grieving my friends and colleagues.' When the Saudi government murdered Jamal Khashoggi, a dissident columnist who wrote for The Washington Post, inside its consulate in Turkey, it created a global outcry. Russia's detention and killing of journalists have likewise provoked outpourings of support. If the governments bother to concoct accusations - of espionage and other crimes - to justify these heinous acts against working journalists, they are usually dismissed out of hand as the ravings of autocratic regimes bent on destroying free speech. The response to al-Sharif's killing, like that of scores of other Palestinian journalists, has been different -- more muted, more likely to give equal weight to Israeli accusations despite the lack of verifiable evidence. Mhawish told me he was dismayed to see so many news organizations around the world parrot Israeli claims that his friend was killed because he was a Hamas militant. 'What's heartbreaking about this is that it tells me that there are journalists in the world who are justifying the killing of other journalists,' he said. Advertisement This is another respect in which I, as a foreign journalist, was always perceived differently from the local journalists who worked alongside me in war zones. They knew far more than I did about events unfolding in their homeland. They understood how to move safely through dangerous territory and possessed essential contacts and expertise that helped enrich my coverage. Ideally, this leads to mutually beneficial and symbiotic relationships between local journalists and their international counterparts, who often hire locals to improve their coverage. But in some places, what might be seen as expertise comes to be viewed as something darker. As a foreigner, I tend to be seen as a neutral outside observer. A local reporter, embedded in her community and enduring the same hardships as her fellow citizens, comes under more scrutiny. She cannot help being blinkered, the thinking goes, by her own suffering and root for one side in the conflict she is covering. She is, surely, a partisan. In the remarkable new documentary '2000 Meters to Andriivka,' a pair of Ukrainian journalists accompany a group of Ukrainian soldiers through a narrow band of forest as they seek to recapture a village from Russian forces. It is a claustrophobic, harrowing film, unfolding in bunkers and foxholes. At one point the film's director, the Pulitzer- and Oscar-winning filmmaker Mstyslav Chernov, notes the parallel between himself, the journalist, and the young officer he is interviewing. Advertisement The soldier, Chernov says, picked up a rifle, while he picked up a camera. Through different means, each man sought to stand up for the dignity and sovereignty of Ukraine's people. Were Chernov, who works for The Associated Press, to be targeted or smeared by the Russian state, journalists the world over would not hesitate to rally to his side and dismiss any allegations against him as propaganda. I would be among the first to join any crusade on his behalf. It is in this context that we must consider Israel's contention that al-Sharif was a Hamas militant. The evidence offered to the public is weak, consisting of screenshots of spreadsheets, purported service numbers and old payments that have not been independently verified. 'The Israeli military seems to be making accusations without any substantive evidence as a license to kill journalists,' said Irene Khan, the United Nations' special rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression, when a different Israeli airstrike killed another Al Jazeera journalist and his cameraman last year. Al-Sharif reported on their deaths. In interviews before his own death, al-Sharif pleaded for help and safety. 'All of this is happening because my coverage of the crimes of the Israeli occupation in the Gaza Strip harms them and damages their image in the world,' he told the Committee to Protect Journalists. 'They accuse me of being a terrorist because the occupation wants to assassinate me morally.' Even if one takes Israel's allegations at face value -- which I absolutely do not, given Israel's track record -- and entertain the idea that in 2013, at the age of 17, al-Sharif joined Hamas in some form, what are we to make of that choice? Hamas at that time had been the governing authority of his homeland since 2006. It ran the entire state apparatus of a tiny enclave. 'It is a movement with a vast social infrastructure,' Tareq Baconi, the author of a book about Hamas, has written, 'connected to many Palestinians who are unaffiliated with either the movement's political or military platforms.' Take it further and contemplate, based on Israel's supposed evidence, that al-Sharif had played some military role before becoming a journalist. The history of war correspondence is replete with examples of fighters turned reporters -- indeed perhaps the most famous among them, George Orwell, recorded soldiers' lives while fighting in the Spanish Civil War and became a war correspondent. These days, having served in the military is widely seen as an asset among American war reporters. Far from seeing those who served as hopelessly biased, editors rightly value the expertise and perspective these reporters bring from their experiences and trust them to prioritize their new role as journalistic observers. In Israel most young people are required to serve in the military, so military experience is common among journalists. Many will protest that Hamas is different from the military of a state. This is true. Long before its gruesome attack on Israel on Oct. 7, it engaged in horrifying terror tactics like suicide bombings that targeted civilians. Many countries, including the United States, consider it a terrorist organization. But it was the accepted authority in Gaza. Indeed, the uncomfortable truth is that Hamas owes much of its strength to Netanyahu's cynical policies, which, as the Times reported in 2023, included tacit support designed to prop up Hamas as a counterweight to the Palestinian Authority. As late as September of that year, the month before Hamas attacked Israel, his government welcomed the flow of millions of dollars to Hamas via Qatar. 'Even as the Israeli military obtained battle plans for a Hamas invasion and analysts observed significant terrorism exercises just over the border in Gaza, the payments continued,' my newsroom colleagues wrote. 'For years, Israeli intelligence officers even escorted a Qatari official into Gaza, where he doled out money from suitcases filled with millions of dollars.' Freud theorized that hysterics were an extreme version of ordinary people experiencing outsize distress in exceptional circumstances. In this way, journalists are an extreme version of the curious person who lingers and tries to figure out what's going on when everyone else, sensing danger, has packed up their curiosity and gone home. What are journalists but unusual people who decide on society's behalf to witness the unbearable? They set aside their personal safety, and perhaps find strange thrills in the horrors of the work they do and the things that they witness. There can be a kind of moral deformity in this, to be sure, but it's an important and socially recognized role. Someone's got to send word back into history. In this regard, journalists are actually not that different from soldiers. Soldiers, after all, are ordinary people given minimal training, mostly how to use their equipment and the tactical ways that one does the job. And then they set off to do a monstrous task on behalf of the rest of us, something most of us cannot possibly imagine doing. This strange and seldom acknowledged kinship is what permits a pall of suspicion to fall over the work of journalists in war zones, especially local ones, who cannot help being caught up in the events unfolding around them. Using their chosen instruments and medium, they are engaged in a struggle to protect their home and their people. It is easy to see how the other side will seek to cast them as combatants, even if they carry no weapons. But that does not mean we should believe them. This article originally appeared in The New York Times.


Chicago Tribune
4 hours ago
- Chicago Tribune
A look at Gaza ceasefire talks after Hamas accepts a new proposal
CAIRO — Hamas says it has accepted a proposal from Arab mediators for a ceasefire in the 22-month war sparked by its Oct. 7, 2023, attack into Israel. Israel has not yet responded and says it is still committed to defeating the group. The latest proposal developed by Egypt and Qatar contains only slight modifications to an earlier one advanced by the United States and accepted by Israel, according to Egyptian and Hamas officials who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive talks. The deal would include a 60-day truce, the release of some of the hostages held by Hamas in return for hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, a flood of humanitarian aid into Gaza and talks on a lasting ceasefire. Israel has vowed to continue the war until all the hostages are returned and Hamas is disarmed. President Donald Trump gave support to those goals Monday in a social media post, saying Hamas must be 'confronted and destroyed' to ensure the return of the remaining hostages. The details of the latest proposal have not been made public, but the two Egyptian officials and two Hamas officials described the broad outlines to The Associated Press. There would be a 60-day ceasefire in which Israeli forces would pull back to a buffer zone extending 875 yards into Gaza. The officials said Trump's Mideast envoy, Steve Witkoff, had proposed 1,640 yards and Hamas countered with 656 yards before the talks stalled last month. Hamas would release 10 living hostages and the remains of 18 others in phases, in exchange for the release of around 1,700 Palestinians imprisoned by Israel, including 200 serving life sentences after being convicted of deadly attacks. Hamas-led fighters took 251 people hostage in the Oct. 7 attack and killed around 1,200, mostly civilians. Fifty hostages are still in Gaza, around 20 of them believed by Israel to be alive, after most of the rest were released in ceasefires or other deals. Israel would allow 600 trucks of humanitarian aid to enter each day, a major increase that could help arrest what experts have described as the territory's slide toward famine. Israel allowed a similar amount of aid to enter during a ceasefire earlier this year. During the temporary ceasefire, the sides would negotiate a lasting truce, the release of the remaining hostages and the further withdrawal of Israeli forces. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said that while he will halt the fighting temporarily to facilitate the release of hostages, he will not end the war until Hamas has been defeated and disarmed. Even then, he says Israel will maintain security control over Gaza and facilitate the relocation of much of its population to other countries through what he describes as voluntary emigration. Palestinians and much of the international community view it as forcible expulsion. Earlier this month, Netanyahu announced plans to occupy Gaza City and other densely populated areas, which would likely result in even more casualties and further waves of mass displacement. Those threats were partly aimed at pressuring Hamas. Israel's offensive has already killed over 62,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. The ministry does not say how many were civilians or combatants but says women and children make up around half of those killed. Vast areas of Gaza have been completely destroyed. The ministry is part of the Hamas-run government and run by medical professionals. The U.N. and many independent experts view its figures as the most reliable estimate of wartime casualties. Israel disputes them but has not provided its own numbers. Hamas has suffered heavy losses through nearly two years of war. Most of its top leaders have been killed, its rocket supplies have been vastly depleted, and Israel has regularly announced the destruction of tunnel complexes and other military infrastructure. Iran and Hamas' other regional allies are in disarray after Israeli and U.S. strikes. The Israeli military says it now controls at least 75% of Gaza, with much of the population — and the remnants of Hamas' government and police force — largely confined to Gaza City, built-up refugee camps from the 1948 war surrounding Israel's creation and Muwasi, a sprawling tent camp along the coast. The hostages are Hamas' last bargaining chip and its only hope of emerging from the war with something it can try to portray as a victory. The group has said it will only release the remaining captives in return for more Palestinian prisoners, a lasting ceasefire and a complete Israeli withdrawal. Hamas says it is willing to hand over power to other Palestinians but will not lay down its arms as long as Israel occupies lands the Palestinians want for a future state. Israel says any arrangement that leaves Hamas intact and armed would allow it to eventually rebuild its forces and launch another Oct. 7-style attack. Israel has been tight-lipped about the talks, and it's unclear when it will respond. The Security Cabinet, which would need to approve any such deal, usually meets on Thursdays. In the meantime, all eyes are on Washington. Trump helped to get a previous ceasefire across the finish line in January after former President Joe Biden's administration and Arab mediators had spent months hammering it out. The U.S. then offered its full support when Israel ended that truce and resumed its air and ground war in March. Trump alone might be able to convince Israel to halt the war without trying to eradicate Hamas at the cost of countless more Palestinian lives and possibly the remaining hostages. He says he wants to return the hostages and end the war but has not publicly pressured Israel. In a post Monday on his Truth Social website, Trump appeared once again to express full support for Netanyahu's endgame. 'We will only see the return of the remaining hostages when Hamas is confronted and destroyed!!! The sooner this takes place, the better the chances of success will be,' he wrote. 'Play to WIN, or don't play at all!'


San Francisco Chronicle
5 hours ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
State Department employee fired after questioning talking points on Israel and Gaza
WASHINGTON (AP) — The State Department has fired a press officer who was responsible for drafting Trump administration talking points about policy toward Israel and Gaza after complaints from the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Officials said Shahed Ghoreishi, a contractor working for the Bureau of Near East Affairs, was terminated over the weekend following two incidents last week in which his loyalty to Trump administration policies was called into question. Ghoreishi, who is Iranian American, also was targeted Wednesday following his dismissal by right-wing personality Laura Loomer, who accused him of not being fully supportive of the administration's policies in the Middle East. According to Ghoreishi and two current U.S. officials, Ghoreishi drew the ire of a senior official at the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem and then top aides to Secretary of State Marco Rubio for drafting a response to a query from The Associated Press last week. The question related to discussions between Israel and South Sudan about the possible relocation of Palestinians from Gaza to South Sudan. The draft response included a line that said the U.S. does not support the forced relocation of Gazans, something that President Donald Trump and his special envoy Steve Witkoff have said repeatedly. However, according to Ghoreishi and the officials, that line was rejected by the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, leading to questions about policy back in Washington. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal personnel changes. Ghoreishi also said he questioned a statement from the embassy that referred to the West Bank as 'Judea and Samaria,' the Biblical name for the Palestinian territory that some right-wing Israeli officials prefer. Mike Huckabee, U.S. ambassador to Israel, also has repeatedly backed referring to the West Bank by Judea and Samaria. The ouster shows the lengths that the Trump administration has gone to ensure what it sees as loyalty to the president and his goals, including a foreign policy approach that has offered overwhelming support for Israel in the war against Hamas. The administration this week also revoked security clearances for 37 current and former national security officials, including many who had signed a 2019 letter critical of Trump that was recently highlighted by Loomer. 'Despite a close working relationship with many of my dedicated and hardworking colleagues, I was targeted following two events last week when I attracted the ire of the 7th floor and senior officials in Embassy Jerusalem: stating we are against forced displacement of Palestinians in Gaza as President Trump and special envoy Witkoff have both previously claimed and cutting a reference to Judea and Samaria,' Ghoreishi said, referring to the floor where top leaders have offices at the State Department. 'Both of these had been consistently approved at the senior level in the past, so it begs the question why I was suddenly targeted without a direct explanation and whether our Israel-Palestine policy is about to get even worse — including an unwillingness to take any stand against ethnic cleansing. The future looks bleak,' he said. State Department spokespeople declined to comment on his firing, calling it an internal personnel matter. Without addressing the specifics, deputy State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott said in a statement that the agency 'has zero tolerance for employees who commit misconduct by leaking or otherwise disclosing confidential deliberative emails or information. Federal employees should never put their personal political ideologies ahead of the duly elected President's agenda.' Loomer claimed Wednesday that she had a hand in Ghoreishi's removal from the State Department. She said he was affiliated with pro-Iran groups and jihadists, which Ghoreishi denies. Just days ago, the State Department said it was halting all visitor visas for people from Gaza pending a review soon after Loomer had posted videos on social media of children from Gaza arriving in the U.S. for medical treatment and questioning how they got visas.