From class struggle to Samajik Samrasta: How BMS redefined India's trade union politics
NEW DELHI: As the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) celebrates its 70th anniversary, the highlight is its rise as India's largest trade union — a position secured by eclipsing Left-leaning organisations like Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) and All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), which once dominated India's labour movement.
Rooted in the
RSS
' philosophy of 'samajik samrasta' (social harmony), the BMS has consistently rejected class conflict in favour of cooperation, a theme RSS chief
Mohan Bhagwat
amplified in his address that blended pride, caution and a global vision.
'This saffron flag was once dismissed as unsuited for India's labour landscape. Today, it is not just fluttering but commanding attention across the world,' Bhagwat declared. Framing the union's seven-decade journey as a vindication of the RSS's worldview, he added: 'After 70 years of sacrifice and effort, we have become the largest trade union in the country and a significant one globally.
But this is not the time for complacency.
'
Founded in 1955 by Dattopant Thengadi under the guidance of RSS Sarsanghchalak M S Golwalkar, the BMS was the last of India's central trade unions to be formed but swiftly overtook its older rivals. Its rallying cry — 'Desh ke hit mein karenge kaam, kaam ke lenge poore daam' (We shall work in the nation's interest and earn full wages for it) — underscored its nationalist ethos and helped it carve a space distinct from Left-leaning unions.
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Rejecting the Marxist notion of class struggle, Bhagwat reiterated the Sangh's alternative vision: 'It is not workers on one side and owners on the other. The industry is a family. When workers and employers both act with responsibility, society benefits.' This philosophy has guided BMS's engagement over decades, from resisting the Emergency — when over 5,000 activists were arrested — to advocating labour-friendly provisions in the new labour codes, even while distancing itself from policies it deems anti-worker.
Calling for 'Yuganukul' (era-appropriate) models to meet contemporary challenges, Bhagwat urged BMS to adapt to disruptions like automation and globalisation without compromising its 'shashwat vichar' (eternal values). 'In our early years, we were like square pegs forced into round holes. But the time has come to shape a system that reflects our ideology,' he said, highlighting the need to modernise without abandoning core principles.
On the impact of technology, Bhagwat cautioned that while innovation and machines are inevitable, they must serve humanity and not displace it. 'Technology should assist human workers, not replace them. The dignity of labour must remain central even in an age of artificial intelligence,' he added, signalling concerns about the social costs of unchecked technological adoption.
Politically, BMS has positioned itself as a constructive force, eschewing frequent strikes for dialogue and negotiation.
It has taken a policy of 'responsive cooperation' with successive governments, including under Narendra Modi, and yet asserted its independence when needed.
Bhagwat's tone, however, carried an internal warning. 'An organisation gains prestige when workers embrace anonymity and collective spirit — 'not I, but thou.' Success brings its own traps. We must guard against hubris and remember our core purpose,' he cautioned.
Seventy years on, the saffron flag that once seemed an unlikely contender in India's labour movement is now a global symbol, with Bhagwat projecting it as a model for worker movements worldwide. 'Countries around the world are studying our methods. We must ensure workers' interests, industries' interests, and national interest align for global welfare,' he said, positioning BMS as a standard-bearer for a new vision of labour rooted in Indian ethos.
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