
SPCA to investigate Tshwane man who threatened to beat dog
In a clip posted on X, user @pookiepolls posted a clip filmed by a Johannesburg man who had raised concerns about his neighbour, who had threatened to beat his dog.
The neighbour launched a profanity-filled rant in response. He said, 'How is it any of your business? It's not your dog….When you hear my dog screaming next time, you shut your mouth! I'm going to go there and beat it again, because it's my business, it's my dog.'
The clip has been widely shared on the X platform, and many South Africans have raised concerns about the animal's welfare.
The NSPCA responded to several X posts stating that the Tshwane branch would investigate the man.
The SPCA has repeatedly warned the public that animal abusers can be criminally charged under the Animals Protection Act (APA) 71 of 1962.
The act – which was established to prevent the cruelty of animals – stipulates that those found guilty can face a fine or imprisonment.
Offenders can also face a denial of ownership – preventing them from owning animals – as well as a criminal conviction.
According to the SPCA, the APA makes provisions for individuals who also infuriate or terrify animals.
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The South African
13 minutes ago
- The South African
Gallants slapped on the wrist as PSL rules on Mphambaniso matter
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Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: General Mkhwanazi turned July into Justice Month
Ah, Chief Dwasaho! July, by far the longest month since the invention of the Gregorian calendar, has finally expired — no turkey, no fairy lights, just Breaking News. Instead of 'Christmas in July', we got Crime Scenes aplenty. My leader: July 2025 will be remembered as the month that gave us the most expensive press conference in South African history, courtesy of KwaZulu-Natal's no-nonsense top cop, Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. His 6 July presser lasted just under an hour. Still, the investigations that it birthed will cost an eye-watering R147.9-million — not for bottled water or a mic, but for the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into criminality, political interference and corruption in the criminal justice system arising from the specific allegations made public by General Mkhwanazi. July, Justice Month But can we give the general his flowers while the lilies are fresh? Unlike many of our over-scripted ministers who confuse 'pressers' with amateur sketch performances, General Mkhwanazi arrived armed with results. His unit, the so-called Political Killings Task Team, turned July into Justice Month. Ten politically or gang-linked murders were solved — all linked by ballistics to a single AK-47 allegedly belonging to KT Molefe and his gang. Suspects arrested. Crime networks rattled. Now, the headline act — Katiso 'KT' Molefe, aged 61, a Sandton businessman by title, but allegedly a drug trafficker, racketeer and underworld boss by reputation. He stands accused of masterminding the murder of Pretoria nightlife icon DJ Sumbody, who was killed along with his bodyguards, Sibusiso Mokoena and Sandile Myeza, back in 2022. But that was only Molefe's opening act. He is also linked to the assassination of Soweto's DJ Vintos, real name Hector Buthelezi, and the murder of businessman Don Tindleni. Then there's the April 2024 killing of Armand Swart, a Vereeniging engineer gunned down in a case of mistaken identity; the intended target was a whistleblower at Swart's company who had lifted the lid on Transnet SOC Ltd tender corruption. Malcom X and Kenny Kunene And now, my leader, the pattern repeats: 'KT' Molefe nears arrest, and suddenly the political girdle tightens. This week, 'businessman' Malcolm X told eNCA that on the day Molefe was detained in December 2024, he called former Hawks boss General Godfrey Lebeya to verify whether the officers descending on Molefe's Sandton home were legitimate. Malcolm X said he acted on behalf of Molefe's brother, who feared rogue forces might masquerade as the police. Lebeya confirmed Malcolm X's identity and said he had despatched a verification team. Jeso. Fast forward to last week, Kenny Kunene, a former Johannesburg Metro MMC for Transport and co-founder of the Patriotic Alliance, was spotted at the Sandton residence where 'KT' Molefe was rearrested. Kunene said he had accompanied a journalist to conduct an exclusive interview with Molefe when the police burst in. He insists he is not friends with Molefe. Didn't General Mkhwanazi speak of politicians, businesspeople and police officers protecting criminals? The Cat, nine lives and DJ's blood Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala, also described as a tenderpreneur, is firmly in the sights of Mkhwanazi's A‑Team. His alleged hit squad mirrors 'KT' Molefe's network — the same Tiego Floyd Mabusela and Musa Kekana accused in the DJ Sumbody murder. Notably, Mabusela and Kekana also face charges in attempted hits tied to Matlala, notably the cinematic but botched assassination of socialite Tebogo Thobejane — two syndicates in one deadly ecosystem. Boko Haram And now, my leader, the media is peeling back layer after layer of the Mamelodi underworld's onion, and what's emerging is more chilling than a horror flick. Cat Matlala is no lone wolf — he is allegedly deeply embedded in Mamelodi's syndicate known locally as 'Boko Haram', a brazen extortion network that has terrorised businesses, collecting 'protection' fees with the peculiar courtesy of issuing receipts. He's reportedly operating as the underworld's chief extortionist and narcotics broker, running nightclub-inspired protection rackets where cash, guns and violence are the price of admission. Some insiders have dubbed him the 'Godfather of Gas and Glocks', a title that feels less metaphorical and more municipal — a man who carved out territory at the crossroads of drugs, intimidation and nightclub gatekeeping. A recent eNCA Checkpoint broadcast delved into the gang's evolution, once confined to township lanes, now sprawling into Gauteng's suburbs with muscle flexing that mimics terror groups more than local syndicates. The network reportedly employs surveillance, tracking informants and deploying hit squads if 'payments' slow down. Matlala's alleged role is central, not as a foot soldier but as a kingpin, placed atop a pyramid built from fear, loyalty and the politics of protection. A patriot with secrets, or brown envelopes? Now, to the final act: Brown Mogotsi, long whispered to be close to on-leave Police Minister Senzo Mchunu, claims he's not trembling in Gucci loafers, but sitting comfortably atop the intelligence food chain. He admitted to being what he called an underground crime-intelligence informer, boasting involvement in the arrest of fugitive Thabo Bester in Tanzania, as well as years of covert assignments across borders. He insisted he had been a freelance operative embedded since at least 2009, sharing insider knowledge with crime intelligence handlers. Contrast that self-portrayal with his criminal record, revealed by Correctional Services: Mogotsi has three convictions dating back to 2011 — two separate sentences for assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm (GBH), one for defeating the ends of justice, and another lengthy term for GBH plus reckless driving. Despite this, he insists his history doesn't disqualify him from furnishing 'deep underground experience' to investigators. So, which Brown are we dealing with, a patriot with secrets, or a fixer with brown envelopes? Whichever version we choose, one truth remains: this is no cameo, but prime time, and General Mkhwanazi's dossier is getting juicier by the minute. Sindiso Magaqa the latest twist On Monday, the Political Killings Task Team rearrested Zweliphansi Skhosana, the former municipal manager of Umzimkhulu Local Municipality, in Durban. He faces charges including murder, conspiracy to commit murder, and the unlawful possession of prohibited firearms in connection with the 2017 ambush of Sindiso Magaqa, who was then an ANC councillor. Skhosana had previously been arrested alongside the late political heavyweight Mluleki Ndobe, but those charges were mysteriously withdrawn in 2019. Why? Prosecutorial discretion or political protection? Prison vibes Now to the final act, my leader — the Political Killings Task Team, has just netted two more suspects (one a mastermind) in the murder of DA councillor Nhlalayenza Ndlovu who was gunned down in December 2023 at his Mpophomeni home in Pietermaritzburg. Among the newly arrested were a 56-year-old inkosi and a 26-year-old man. According to the police, the hit was coordinated from inside Pietermaritzburg Correctional Centre. These two join the three other alleged hitmen already detained, all accused of orchestrating the plot that claimed Ndlovu's life in front of his family. Correctional Services didn't escape Mkhwanazi's exposé, and was named as part of the criminal underworld ecosystem. National crisis Of course, none of these breakthroughs happened by accident. Mkhwanazi's unit relied on sharp intelligence, ground-level informants and one scarce commodity: sheer will. And here's the rub — why does only one province treat organised crime as a full-blown national crisis? Where are the other nine generals with nine-point plans? This is where you come in, my leader. South Africans aren't just hungry for justice — they're ravenous. When we say 'let the law take its course', we don't mean at a snail's pace with a flat tyre. We mean heads must roll, orange overalls must be fitted, and dockets must stop vanishing like tenders in the wind. So, as we close the blood-splattered chapter that was July, a month that read like a battlefield report, I ask you, my leader: When last did a general deliver this much with so little PR polish? When last did a police unit (Mkhwanazi's Men) solve more murders — 436 suspects arrested, including 35 SAPS members, and 156 firearms recovered? Lieutenant-General Mkhwanazi deserves more than a thank you. He deserves support, protection, and replication. Now, through the commission of inquiry, we may finally know the politicians, metro cops, prison warders and other state actors working in tandem with the criminal underworld. Perhaps, at last, our prisons and courthouses will overflow with trials and convictions.


Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
From prisoner to pawn: The US continues to undermine our democratic sovereignty
The window exploded before I saw the gun. Just a loud crack — then shards in my face, then a fist yanking the door open. Five of them. Muddy Converse. Beanies pulled low. One barely out of school. They dragged me out of my Mercedes and threw me under a bush like a bag of rubbish. I tasted blood before I knew where it came from. 'Please, take the car,' I said. 'Take everything. Just leave my bag.' It had my laptop. My notes. My life in zipped compartments. 'Fokof,' one spat. 'You think we're your BEE brothers?' Then came the boots. The insults. The gun. The shot. It was supposed to be a hijacking — but it felt like punishment. Not for resisting, but for representing something. For speaking calmly instead of cowering. For not bowing low enough. That moment — blurry, bloodied, and bewildering — is exactly where South Africa stands today. The sanctions are coming On 22 July 2025, the US House Foreign Affairs Committee advanced the US-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act in a 34-16 vote. Introduced in April by Congressman Ronny Jackson, the bill is cloaked in diplomatic language, claiming to 'strengthen US-South African ties'. But beneath the façade, it reads like a warning shot. If passed, it would empower the US government to sanction South African officials under the Global Magnitsky Act — a law designed to target the world's worst human rights offenders and kleptocrats. Let's not pretend this is about corruption. South Africa has its own demons, from State Capture to service delivery failures. We've earned the anger of our own people, and rightly so. But if corruption were truly the standard, many of America's allies — some with far worse records — would be on the same list. This isn't a principled stand. It's a geopolitical lever. Nor is non-alignment an endorsement. Russia may have stood with us during the Struggle against apartheid, but that doesn't mean we baptise its every action today. We can remember who showed up without romanticising who they are now. To engage China or speak with Iran is not to sanctify them. To criticise Israel is not to erase Hamas' crimes. But in Washington's current mood, anything short of full compliance is labelled complicity. This isn't about justice — it's about obedience. Obedience to Washington's worldview. Obedience to its alliances. Obedience to its preferred version of moral clarity — one that always seems to exempt its closest partners. When democracy was dangerous History remembers differently than the West pretends. During apartheid, the US didn't stand with the oppressed — it stood with the regime. Nelson Mandela was branded a terrorist — and he remained on the US terrorist watchlist until 2008, 15 years after becoming South Africa's first democratic president. The ANC was labelled a communist threat. President Ronald Reagan vetoed sanctions. Then British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher called them 'immoral'. Western capital backed white supremacy under the banner of anti-communism. When Mandela defended ties to Cuba and Palestine by saying, 'your enemy is not our enemy', it was not defiance — it was sovereignty. It was the dignity of a people refusing to outsource their conscience. Today, once again, South Africa is being punished. Not for violence. Not for lawlessness. But for choosing a path of principle that diverges from Washington's. A loaded act The US-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act does not centre human rights. Instead, it grants the US president sweeping authority to determine whether South Africa has 'undermined US national security or foreign policy interests'. That's it. No requirement of genocide. No proof of corruption. No actual misconduct. Just the crime of non-compliance. If enacted, it could trigger visa bans, banking restrictions, asset freezes and diplomatic disengagement. While targeted in language, sanctions rarely remain confined. We've seen the fallout before — from Zimbabwe to Venezuela — where sanctions chilled investment, collapsed currencies and deepened social crises. What's the real trigger? South Africa's vocal stance on Israel and Gaza. Its willingness to invoke international law at The Hague. Its refusal to toe the line in the emerging global Cold War. That — not misgovernance — is the perceived offence. Follow the money The bill's lead sponsor, Congressman Ronny Jackson, is a recipient of significant campaign funding from Aipac — the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. That's not conspiracy — that's public record. It's no coincidence his outrage peaks when South Africa critiques Israel's actions in Gaza — even when those critiques come through respected international legal mechanisms. Let me be clear: I do not uncritically endorse every aspect of South Africa's foreign policy. The Arab world is not beyond reproach. And the apartheid analogy — though emotionally potent — can sometimes oversimplify a complex conflict. But we will not be bullied into silence — not by donors, nor diplomats, nor those who confuse disagreement with disloyalty. This is not about governance — it's about punishment. Punishment for choosing diplomacy over deference. Punishment for saying we will not pick a side in your game. Yes, other nations — Brazil, Spain, Turkey, Colombia — have joined our legal case at the International Court of Justice. But only we are being threatened with sanctions. Why? Because we are easier to isolate. Because we have dared to speak truths the powerful do not wish to hear. The bullet and the bag That night in Johannesburg, I crawled back to my car, bleeding. I had offered everything — wallet, keys, car. But when I said, 'just leave my bag', they pulled the trigger. What they wanted was not my possessions — it was my silence. They could not stomach the audacity of someone like me asking for more than mere survival. And that is exactly where South Africa finds itself now. We've said: Take your trade deals — we'll still talk peace. We've said: We'll engage with China — but we'll also remain open to the West. We've said: We are non-aligned — not hostile. But when we asked for our bag — our voice, our dignity, our seat at the table of global justice — they reached for sanctions. And now the gun is cocked. This is the real danger The true threat is not sanctions — it's amnesia. Forgetting that our democracy was not a donation from the West, but the fruit of blood, prayer, protest and sacrifice. The danger is mistaking pressure for partnership. It's believing our legitimacy is measured by how well we echo Washington's voice. Let the record show: when we were fighting apartheid, they said, 'Not yet.' When we fight for Palestinian lives, they say: 'Not you.' We will not die quietly That night, I should have died. But I didn't. And neither will this democracy. So let the gun be cocked. Let the threats fly. We will not trade dignity for convenience. We will not barter sovereignty for appeasement. We will not be pawns in someone else's game. And we will not die quietly — not in the street.