logo
Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: General Mkhwanazi turned July into Justice Month

Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: General Mkhwanazi turned July into Justice Month

Daily Maverick6 days ago
Ah, Chief Dwasaho! July, by far the longest month since the invention of the Gregorian calendar, has finally expired — no turkey, no fairy lights, just Breaking News. Instead of 'Christmas in July', we got Crime Scenes aplenty.
My leader: July 2025 will be remembered as the month that gave us the most expensive press conference in South African history, courtesy of KwaZulu-Natal's no-nonsense top cop, Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi.
His 6 July presser lasted just under an hour. Still, the investigations that it birthed will cost an eye-watering R147.9-million — not for bottled water or a mic, but for the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into criminality, political interference and corruption in the criminal justice system arising from the specific allegations made public by General Mkhwanazi.
July, Justice Month
But can we give the general his flowers while the lilies are fresh? Unlike many of our over-scripted ministers who confuse 'pressers' with amateur sketch performances, General Mkhwanazi arrived armed with results. His unit, the so-called Political Killings Task Team, turned July into Justice Month.
Ten politically or gang-linked murders were solved — all linked by ballistics to a single AK-47 allegedly belonging to KT Molefe and his gang. Suspects arrested. Crime networks rattled.
Now, the headline act — Katiso 'KT' Molefe, aged 61, a Sandton businessman by title, but allegedly a drug trafficker, racketeer and underworld boss by reputation. He stands accused of masterminding the murder of Pretoria nightlife icon DJ Sumbody, who was killed along with his bodyguards, Sibusiso Mokoena and Sandile Myeza, back in 2022.
But that was only Molefe's opening act. He is also linked to the assassination of Soweto's DJ Vintos, real name Hector Buthelezi, and the murder of businessman Don Tindleni.
Then there's the April 2024 killing of Armand Swart, a Vereeniging engineer gunned down in a case of mistaken identity; the intended target was a whistleblower at Swart's company who had lifted the lid on Transnet SOC Ltd tender corruption.
Malcom X and Kenny Kunene
And now, my leader, the pattern repeats: 'KT' Molefe nears arrest, and suddenly the political girdle tightens.
This week, 'businessman' Malcolm X told eNCA that on the day Molefe was detained in December 2024, he called former Hawks boss General Godfrey Lebeya to verify whether the officers descending on Molefe's Sandton home were legitimate. Malcolm X said he acted on behalf of Molefe's brother, who feared rogue forces might masquerade as the police. Lebeya confirmed Malcolm X's identity and said he had despatched a verification team. Jeso.
Fast forward to last week, Kenny Kunene, a former Johannesburg Metro MMC for Transport and co-founder of the Patriotic Alliance, was spotted at the Sandton residence where 'KT' Molefe was rearrested. Kunene said he had accompanied a journalist to conduct an exclusive interview with Molefe when the police burst in. He insists he is not friends with Molefe. Didn't General Mkhwanazi speak of politicians, businesspeople and police officers protecting criminals?
The Cat, nine lives and DJ's blood
Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala, also described as a tenderpreneur, is firmly in the sights of Mkhwanazi's A‑Team. His alleged hit squad mirrors 'KT' Molefe's network — the same Tiego Floyd Mabusela and Musa Kekana accused in the DJ Sumbody murder. Notably, Mabusela and Kekana also face charges in attempted hits tied to Matlala, notably the cinematic but botched assassination of socialite Tebogo Thobejane — two syndicates in one deadly ecosystem.
Boko Haram
And now, my leader, the media is peeling back layer after layer of the Mamelodi underworld's onion, and what's emerging is more chilling than a horror flick.
Cat Matlala is no lone wolf — he is allegedly deeply embedded in Mamelodi's syndicate known locally as 'Boko Haram', a brazen extortion network that has terrorised businesses, collecting 'protection' fees with the peculiar courtesy of issuing receipts.
He's reportedly operating as the underworld's chief extortionist and narcotics broker, running nightclub-inspired protection rackets where cash, guns and violence are the price of admission. Some insiders have dubbed him the 'Godfather of Gas and Glocks', a title that feels less metaphorical and more municipal — a man who carved out territory at the crossroads of drugs, intimidation and nightclub gatekeeping.
A recent eNCA Checkpoint broadcast delved into the gang's evolution, once confined to township lanes, now sprawling into Gauteng's suburbs with muscle flexing that mimics terror groups more than local syndicates.
The network reportedly employs surveillance, tracking informants and deploying hit squads if 'payments' slow down. Matlala's alleged role is central, not as a foot soldier but as a kingpin, placed atop a pyramid built from fear, loyalty and the politics of protection.
A patriot with secrets, or brown envelopes?
Now, to the final act: Brown Mogotsi, long whispered to be close to on-leave Police Minister Senzo Mchunu, claims he's not trembling in Gucci loafers, but sitting comfortably atop the intelligence food chain.
He admitted to being what he called an underground crime-intelligence informer, boasting involvement in the arrest of fugitive Thabo Bester in Tanzania, as well as years of covert assignments across borders. He insisted he had been a freelance operative embedded since at least 2009, sharing insider knowledge with crime intelligence handlers.
Contrast that self-portrayal with his criminal record, revealed by Correctional Services: Mogotsi has three convictions dating back to 2011 — two separate sentences for assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm (GBH), one for defeating the ends of justice, and another lengthy term for GBH plus reckless driving.
Despite this, he insists his history doesn't disqualify him from furnishing 'deep underground experience' to investigators.
So, which Brown are we dealing with, a patriot with secrets, or a fixer with brown envelopes? Whichever version we choose, one truth remains: this is no cameo, but prime time, and General Mkhwanazi's dossier is getting juicier by the minute.
Sindiso Magaqa the latest twist
On Monday, the Political Killings Task Team rearrested Zweliphansi Skhosana, the former municipal manager of Umzimkhulu Local Municipality, in Durban. He faces charges including murder, conspiracy to commit murder, and the unlawful possession of prohibited firearms in connection with the 2017 ambush of Sindiso Magaqa, who was then an ANC councillor.
Skhosana had previously been arrested alongside the late political heavyweight Mluleki Ndobe, but those charges were mysteriously withdrawn in 2019. Why? Prosecutorial discretion or political protection?
Prison vibes
Now to the final act, my leader — the Political Killings Task Team, has just netted two more suspects (one a mastermind) in the murder of DA councillor Nhlalayenza Ndlovu who was gunned down in December 2023 at his Mpophomeni home in Pietermaritzburg.
Among the newly arrested were a 56-year-old inkosi and a 26-year-old man. According to the police, the hit was coordinated from inside Pietermaritzburg Correctional Centre. These two join the three other alleged hitmen already detained, all accused of orchestrating the plot that claimed Ndlovu's life in front of his family. Correctional Services didn't escape Mkhwanazi's exposé, and was named as part of the criminal underworld ecosystem.
National crisis
Of course, none of these breakthroughs happened by accident. Mkhwanazi's unit relied on sharp intelligence, ground-level informants and one scarce commodity: sheer will. And here's the rub — why does only one province treat organised crime as a full-blown national crisis? Where are the other nine generals with nine-point plans?
This is where you come in, my leader.
South Africans aren't just hungry for justice — they're ravenous. When we say 'let the law take its course', we don't mean at a snail's pace with a flat tyre. We mean heads must roll, orange overalls must be fitted, and dockets must stop vanishing like tenders in the wind.
So, as we close the blood-splattered chapter that was July, a month that read like a battlefield report, I ask you, my leader: When last did a general deliver this much with so little PR polish?
When last did a police unit (Mkhwanazi's Men) solve more murders — 436 suspects arrested, including 35 SAPS members, and 156 firearms recovered?
Lieutenant-General Mkhwanazi deserves more than a thank you. He deserves support, protection, and replication.
Now, through the commission of inquiry, we may finally know the politicians, metro cops, prison warders and other state actors working in tandem with the criminal underworld. Perhaps, at last, our prisons and courthouses will overflow with trials and convictions.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Decay, corruption, and neglect put Gauteng at a crossroads
Decay, corruption, and neglect put Gauteng at a crossroads

The Citizen

timean hour ago

  • The Citizen

Decay, corruption, and neglect put Gauteng at a crossroads

Gauteng's residents are poorer today than a decade ago, with unemployment soaring and investment fleeing. Joburg was once the City of Gold, a gleaming metropolis whose skyline symbolised hope, jobs and prosperity for multitudes. It didn't merely power Gauteng city region's economy; it was the economic heartbeat of South Africa. In 2015, Joburg contributed around 40% of Gauteng's gross domestic product (GDP). The province, in turn contributes about a third of the national total. No nation can thrive when its economic heart is dying. The people of Gauteng are poorer per person today than 10 years ago, a direct result of ANC misrule and failing economic mismanagement. Residents are 'drowning in filth due to uncollected waste, pothole-infested roads, long grass, sewage, water challenges and power cuts' as colourfully put by The Star in 2023. It's the same all over the province, except in the municipality of Midvaal. Stats SA reports Gauteng's official unemployment rate rose to 34.7% in the first quarter of 2025, up from 34.4% in the fourth quarter of 2024, while the expanded rate climbed to 40%. Youth unemployment remains alarmingly high, at 62.4% for those aged 15 to 24. The effects are visible: shuttered shops, vacant factories and the quiet despair stalking townships across the province. The key to growth is investment. Why do investors not invest? Number one factor is crime. Not only does crime deter investment, in many cases the target of criminals is public infrastructure. Every cable stolen is a power outage somewhere. Every vandalised transformer is going to result in downtime for several businesses. All of these add to the cost of the products and services we sell. Investors would rather invest where energy supply and other services are more reliable and those who do invest have to put in generators and constantly buy diesel, which adds to the cost of the goods we sell. ALSO READ: OPINION | Put Johannesburg under administration In the end, South African goods are too expensive and we lose market share to our competitors. Consequently, our companies go out of business, and jobs are lost. Since 2016, Joburg has endured the upheaval of nine mayors because easily bought councillors in small parties caused relentless instability in fragile coalitions. Alarmed by policy unpredictability, investors have fled, eroding the city's prospects. Our two other metros – Ekurhuleni and Tshwane – have suffered under ANC misgovernance and squabbles over patronage. Factories that once roared with productivity now stand silent as criminal syndicates strip copper cables from infrastructure, paralysing industry and costing jobs. Tshwane, our nation's capital, is burdened by high-level corruption. Deputy mayor Eugene Modise, an ANC councillor, is under intense scrutiny over R21.7 million in unpaid municipal bills on properties tied to his business interests. Joburg's deterioration is an example of the broader crisis facing Gauteng under the ANC's dysfunctional administration, where cadre deployment, corruption and poor governance hollow out the province's economic foundations. Gauteng, South Africa's economic engine, is seizing up. Its failure will cost all of us, regardless of political affiliation. Small businesses are collapsing under the burden of red tape, corruption and persistent service delivery failures. A 2023 peer-reviewed study in the South African Journal of Entrepreneurship and Small Business Management found that small, medium and micro enterprises in Gauteng struggle due to infrastructure constraints, leadership shortages, financial pressures, and, critically, high levels of crime and corruption. Gauteng stands at a crossroads. Years of decay, corruption, and neglect have brought our province to the brink. ALSO READ: Tshwane and Joburg squeeze residents for cash

Gwede Mantashe: I'm not giving Mozambicans, Basotho and Zimbabweans artisanal mining licences
Gwede Mantashe: I'm not giving Mozambicans, Basotho and Zimbabweans artisanal mining licences

IOL News

timean hour ago

  • IOL News

Gwede Mantashe: I'm not giving Mozambicans, Basotho and Zimbabweans artisanal mining licences

Minister of Mineral and Petroleum Resources, Gwede Mantashe. Image: Itumeleng English Independent Newspapers Minister of Mineral and Petroleum Resources, Gwede Mantashe, has denounced the scourge of illegal mining across South Africa, which he said is dominated by foreign nationals. IOL reported on Tuesday that as 494 illegal miners who were arrested after resurfacing in Mpumalanga appeared before the Barberton Magistrate's Court in Mpumalanga, an additional 24 also surfaced at the Sheba Mine. The suspects, who appeared in groups of 50 in the dock, face charges of trespassing, possession of gold-bearing materials, and the contravention of the Immigration Act. The arrests stem as a result of the South African Police Service's (SAPS) national Operation Vala Umgodi, which tackles the scourge of illegal mining within the borders of South Africa. The suspects arrested in Mpumalanga are foreign nationals from eSwatini and Mozambique, and include minors. On Wednesday, Mantashe clarified that his department has started the process of issuing licences to artisanal and small-scale miners. However, the minister pointed out that these are not illegal miners colloquially referred to as zama-zamas. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading 'We have started the programme of artisanal and small-scale miners. We have issued the first 21 licences and we are going to be systematic about it. This is not formalising illegal mining. It's actually giving opportunity to entrepreneurs who want to enter into mining, and we are going to continue doing that. The minister said it would be 'a fatal mistake' to counterpose artisanal mining to illegal mining. 'If you look into illegal mining, it is not dominated by South African citizens. It is mainly dominated by citizens from neighbouring countries; therefore it means it's an issue of external forces attacking South Africa's economy. That should be dealt with separately from artisanal mining,' said Mantashe, who is also chairperson of the African National Congress (ANC). 'I am not going to give artisanal mining licences to Mozambicans, Lesotho citizens or Zimbabweans who dominate this space. I am going to give those licences to South Africans who want to be entrepreneurs in mining." Earlier this year, Mantashe called for a stronger and more focused approach to combat illegal mining, emphasising its harmful impact on the economy and its criminal nature. During a visit to the Stilfontein mine in North West this week, Mantashe joined a delegation of ministers, including Police Minister Senzo Mchunu, to monitor an operation to bring illegal miners to the surface.

The JSE displays an unhealthy obsession with secrecy
The JSE displays an unhealthy obsession with secrecy

Daily Maverick

time2 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

The JSE displays an unhealthy obsession with secrecy

When a company lost big on the stock market in 2020 and suspected possible market manipulation, it attempted to get information from the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. The JSE stonewalled them, baldly citing privacy and commercial confidentiality issues. This story of one company fighting to access information from a South African public body is playing out every day, across all spheres of government, and illustrates a culture of secrecy in our public administration. Five years ago, a small company, Inhlanhla Ventures, was placed in a difficult financial position. It had been investing in shares on the stock market through a broker. As part of their agreement, the broker would provide credit to Inhlanhla to invest – and then hold shares as security for those loans. However, if the value of any shares held as security dropped below a certain percentage, the broker was entitled to demand additional security or repayment of the debt. If Inhlanhla failed to comply, the broker would be entitled to take ownership of the shares held by it in settlement of Inhlanhla's debt. During the first quarter of 2020, the broker at that point held all the shares owned by Inhlanhla as security. A substantial part consisted of shares in enX Group Limited, a public company listed on the JSE. In May 2020, as a result of an unexpected, rapid and substantial decline in the price of the shares in the Inhlanhla portfolio, particularly the enX share price, Inhlanhla realised that the broker would be entitled to foreclose on the bulk of Inhlanhla's securities. Given the decline of the enX shares, which dropped from 700c per share at the beginning of April to as low as 320c per share on 14 May 2020, Inhlanhla was left with little option other than to relinquish its portfolio to the broker. However, a couple of days after the broker assumed ownership of those shares, the share price rose significantly, meaning the broker benefited handsomely. A rat? Inhlanhla thought it smelled a rat. By examining the trade in enX shares between April and June 2020, Inhlanhla believed that there were grounds to suspect market manipulation. If that was the case, Inhlanhla might be entitled to restitution for the losses it suffered. But it did not have access to the details of all the trades made in respect of the shares, and so it could not get conclusive proof to back up its suspicions. And so, Inhlanhla filed a request for access to information on the identities of the buyers and sellers of the shares and the sale values with the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (Paia). They also narrowed down their focus to the key period from 3 May to 19 May 2020. Public body The JSE is a public body and gets its powers and responsibilities from the Financial Markets Act (FMA). It – like all public and private bodies – is bound by Paia and so must disclose any information requested unless there is a legitimate ground (as set out in the legislation) for it to refuse the request. The JSE refused the Paia request from Inhlanhla, stating baldly that the information sought contained personal, confidential or commercial information and it was prohibited by the FMA and Paia from disclosing such information. As we have previously explained, the Information Regulator (IR) is a new body to which someone unsatisfied with a refusal of their Paia request can file a complaint. Believing that the JSE was incorrect in refusing their request, Inhlanhla approached the regulator. The Information Regulator investigates The IR issued an investigation report, finding that the JSE had no justification in refusing the request, ordering it to disclose the requested information to Inhlanhla. However, this order remains preliminary and Inhlanhla is waiting for a final decision from the IR's enforcement committee. In any case, lawyers acting for the JSE have already written to Inhlanhla, putting the company on notice that if the regulator rules in Inhlanhla's favour, the JSE will go to court to review that decision. This is why this story of one company seeking to get information from one public body in 2020 is relevant. The experience of Inhlanhla is just one example that illustrates South Africa's broken access to information system and how a culture of secrecy within our powerful institutions operates to stymie accountability. Similar stories happen every day, all over the country, with all sorts of public bodies. Municipalities, national government departments and state-owned entities all regularly refuse Paia requests, often based on a misguided interpretation of the law. Although the IR provides a useful mechanism before having to go to court, the delays in accessing the information sought are often ruinous or make the information eventually disclosed irrelevant because of the passage of time. The JSE's trite response The reasons given by the JSE in its refusal of the Inhlanhla request are also reasons we see repeatedly. One common refrain we hear from public bodies is that they cannot disclose the information because doing so would violate a statutory obligation they hold to protect personal, private or confidential information. Often, the public body refers to the Protection of Personal Information Act. Here, the JSE also said that the FMA prevented it from disclosing any confidential information. But this must be a misreading of the law, as Parliament could not have intended the FMA to act as a justification to refuse Paia requests. And, in fact, Parliament did not exclude Paia from the obligations under the FMA. The Act states that confidential information cannot be disclosed 'unless disclosure is required or permitted in terms of a law or court order'. Paia is one of those laws. The IR, in its investigation report, confirmed that one of the objectives of Paia is to 'promote transparency, accountability and effective governance'. It is a vital cog in the constitutional framework which enables citizens to hold powerful institutions, government bodies and individuals to account. The JSE's reliance on the FMA is a betrayal of these principles. The JSE's stance is particularly galling, because as the IR's investigation report points out, its claims of blanket confidentiality on the details of who trades shares in listed companies, exactly when they do it, and how much they pay, go to the heart of a transparent market – especially when there are claims of market manipulation. As the IR report notes, our courts have emphasised the non-private nature of how companies conduct their affairs, especially when they involve publicly traded securities. The FMA, the regulator said, also supports this principle by promoting transparency in the financial markets. Early in South Africa's constitutional democracy, the Constitutional Court, in Bernstein v Bester, explained that a company's business was not a purely private matter. The Supreme Court of Appeal, in Nova Property Holdings v Cobbett, confirmed that this principle extended to companies' securities registers, which were 'not inherently private'. The IR investigation found that disclosure of information in this case was not unreasonable, as it pertained to market activities conducted under the regulatory oversight of the JSE. Commercial harm? The JSE also stated that it could not provide the information that Inhlanhla sought because to do so would violate the mandatory protection of commercial information of a third party. This is also an oft-seen tactic – the bald claim that commercial harm would result from the disclosure of the information. The IR stressed that a public body cannot make this claim as a 'mere assertion' and had to provide evidence of how disclosure would actually harm the relevant third party. But, despite the multiple court judgments explaining that disclosure of information must be the default and that access to information should be granted unless valid, specific and justified grounds for its refusal exist, public bodies like the JSE continue to issue bald refusals – and so the IR investigation rejected this claim, too. The JSE also claimed it owed a duty of confidentiality to third parties and so could refuse disclosure in terms of Paia. However, the JSE failed to seek third-party consent (as it was obliged to) and also failed to identify any agreement with third parties which provided such an undertaking of confidentiality – again, leading the IR investigator to reject the JSE's reliance on the ground of refusal. Public interest override Paia provides that, notwithstanding other prohibitions, the public body must assess whether the disclosure of the records would reveal evidence of a substantial contravention of, or failure to comply with, the law and whether the public interest in the disclosure of the record clearly outweighs the harm contemplated in the grounds of refusal. The IR investigation noted that Inhlanhla had furnished the JSE with an analysis of the Traded enX Shares over the period 1 April 2020 to 30 June 2020 and that it had clearly invoked concerns regarding 'substantial contravention of the law', in the form of market manipulation. The IR took the view that the JSE had simply not properly engaged in the balancing exercise required by Paia to determine whether the public interest override would apply, and found that mandatory disclosure in the public interest was relevant or applicable under the circumstances. Where to from here? As mentioned earlier, the IR enforcement committee still needs to review and make a determination on the investigator's preliminary report. After that, either party can take the IR decision to court – as the JSE has already indicated it will do if it is ordered to make the requested disclosures. As the Inhlanhla story demonstrates, the process to challenge a refusal is so onerous and so lengthy that often someone seeking access to information is forced to give up. It's hard not to think that the public bodies know this and so know that – despite their misreading of the law and judicial precedent – their refusals of the public's Paia requests will probably go unchallenged. With public bodies defaulting to secrecy rather than transparency, and our access to information mechanisms taking years to resolve complaints, is it any wonder that we're in an accountability vacuum in South Africa? DM

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store