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The New American Engine: Trump's $100B AI-Energy Blitz Begins A National Transformation

The New American Engine: Trump's $100B AI-Energy Blitz Begins A National Transformation

President Donald J. Trump this week unveiled a $100 billion wave of private-sector investments aimed at overhauling America's artificial intelligence infrastructure and the energy systems required to support it. Announced Monday at the Pennsylvania Energy & Innovation Summit held at Carnegie Mellon University, the plan draws together major players from the tech, energy, and investment sectors in what is being called the most aggressive public-private transformation of American industry in decades.
Trump, now well into his second term, framed the initiative not just as an economic catalyst, but as a national security imperative. "AI will not be built in Silicon Valley alone," he told a packed audience of executives and local leaders. "It will be built in Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia—where American workers can power the future." The message was clear: the next frontier in artificial intelligence isn't software alone—it's infrastructure, and America must build it fast.
The scale of the investments is unprecedented for a non-federal package. Blackstone is committing $25 billion to develop AI-focused data centers and natural gas-powered microgrids across northeastern Pennsylvania. Google is pledging another $25 billion, including $3 billion dedicated to reviving hydroelectric power systems to support compute-intensive workloads. FirstEnergy will spend $15 billion on modernizing the regional grid. CoreWeave, a fast-growing GPU cloud firm, has allocated $6 billion to build dedicated AI campuses. Westinghouse Electric, PPL Corporation, and Equinor are investing across nuclear, renewables, and long-term grid storage. These figures were first confirmed by The Wall Street Journal and later expanded upon by The Financial Times.
At the heart of the announcement is a strategic pivot. Until now, American dominance in AI has centered on chips, models, and cloud providers. This new phase, shaped by Trump's Innovation Council and quietly coordinated with top private funds, targets the physical backbone of AI. Administration officials argue that without substantial new power sources, the U.S. risks falling behind global competitors—chiefly China—who have already integrated energy and data infrastructure at scale. "It's not about apps anymore," one senior official told Axios. "It's about terawatts and teraflops—and who owns them."
Critics, however, warn of environmental costs and long-term consequences. Student and faculty protests erupted at Carnegie Mellon, challenging the fossil fuel elements of the plan and questioning the ethics of hosting the President on a campus known for climate research. Environmental groups have also raised alarms about water usage and emissions tied to rapid AI infrastructure expansion. As reported by Reuters, concerns have been mounting that natural gas and nuclear development could undercut national climate goals. Yet Trump and his allies argue that the combination of natural gas, hydro, and advanced nuclear will ultimately result in cleaner and more stable power—if regulatory paths remain unobstructed.
The larger implication of Monday's announcement is the emergence of a new national industrial model. AI infrastructure is no longer seen as just a digital concern. It is now physical, regional, and deeply tied to U.S. energy capacity. If the plan succeeds, it could turn deindustrialized regions of Pennsylvania and Appalachia into the backbone of the American AI economy, redistributing tech wealth and talent far beyond the traditional coastal hubs. It may also trigger a rush by other states to secure similar energy-tech deals, creating competition for data-center real estate, skilled labor, and favorable grid conditions.
President Trump has long argued that America's competitive edge comes from building, not regulating. Monday's announcement represents the culmination of that belief, combining financial muscle, technological ambition, and nationalistic messaging in one colossal play. As construction begins and the first permits are filed, it remains to be seen whether this AI-energy fusion can deliver on its promise. But one thing is certain: the race for AI supremacy is no longer confined to algorithms. It's happening in the soil, steel, and circuitry of America's heartland.
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Western Aid Cuts Cede Ground To China In Southeast Asia: Study
Western Aid Cuts Cede Ground To China In Southeast Asia: Study

Int'l Business Times

time13 hours ago

  • Int'l Business Times

Western Aid Cuts Cede Ground To China In Southeast Asia: Study

China is set to expand its influence over Southeast Asia's development as the Trump administration and other Western donors slash aid, a study by an Australian think tank said Sunday. The region is in an "uncertain moment", facing cuts in official development finance from the West as well as "especially punitive" US trade tariffs, the Sydney-based Lowy Institute said. "Declining Western aid risks ceding a greater role to China, though other Asian donors will also gain in importance," it said. Total official development finance to Southeast Asia -- including grants, low-rate loans and other loans -- grew "modestly" to US$29 billion in 2023, the annual report said. But US President Donald Trump has since halted about US$60 billion in development assistance -- most of the United States' overseas aid programme. Seven European countries -- including France and Germany -- and the European Union have announced US$17.2 billion in aid cuts to be implemented between 2025 and 2029, it said. And the United Kingdom has said it is reducing annual aid by US$7.6 billion, redirecting government money towards defence. Based on recent announcements, overall official development finance to Southeast Asia will fall by more than US$2 billion by 2026, the study projected. "These cuts will hit Southeast Asia hard," it said. "Poorer countries and social sector priorities such as health, education, and civil society support that rely on bilateral aid funding are likely to lose out the most." Higher-income countries already capture most of the region's official development finance, said the institute's Southeast Asia Aid Map report. Poorer countries such as East Timor, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar are being left behind, creating a deepening divide that could undermine long-term stability, equity and resilience, it warned. Despite substantial economic development across most of Southeast Asia, around 86 million people still live on less than US$3.65 a day, it said. "The centre of gravity in Southeast Asia's development finance landscape looks set to drift East, notably to Beijing but also Tokyo and Seoul," the study said. As trade ties with the United States have weakened, Southeast Asian countries' development options could shrink, it said, leaving them with less leverage to negotiate favourable terms with Beijing. "China's relative importance as a development actor in the region will rise as Western development support recedes," it said. Beijing's development finance to the region rose by US$1.6 billion to US$4.9 billion in 2023 -- mostly through big infrastructure projects such as rail links in Indonesia and Malaysia, the report said. At the same time, China's infrastructure commitments to Southeast Asia surged fourfold to almost US$10 billion, largely due to the revival of the Kyaukphyu Deep Sea Port project in Myanmar. By contrast, Western alternative infrastructure projects had failed to materialise in recent years, the study said. "Similarly, Western promises to support the region's clean energy transition have yet to translate into more projects on the ground -- of global concern given coal-dependent Southeast Asia is a major source of rapidly growing carbon emissions." A Chinese-owned oil refinery on Made Island off Kyaukphyu, Myanmar, photographed in 2019. Beijing is financing a deep-sea port project at Kyaukphyu AFP

Jensen Huang, AI Visionary In A Leather Jacket
Jensen Huang, AI Visionary In A Leather Jacket

Int'l Business Times

timea day ago

  • Int'l Business Times

Jensen Huang, AI Visionary In A Leather Jacket

Unknown to the general public just three years ago, Jensen Huang is now one of the most powerful entrepreneurs in the world as head of chip giant Nvidia. The unassuming 62-year-old draws stadium crowds of more than 10,000 people as his company's products push the boundaries of artificial intelligence. Chips designed by Nvidia, known as graphics cards or GPUs (Graphics Processing Units), are essential in developing the generative artificial intelligence powering technology like ChatGPT. Big tech's insatiable appetite for Nvidia's GPUs, which sell for tens of thousands of dollars each, has catapulted the California chipmaker beyond $4 trillion in market valuation, the first company ever to surpass that mark. Nvidia's meteoric rise has boosted Huang's personal fortune to $150 billion -- making him one of the world's richest people -- thanks to the roughly 3.5 percent stake he holds in the company he founded three decades ago with two friends in a Silicon Valley diner. In a clear demonstration of his clout, he recently convinced President Donald Trump to lift restrictions on certain GPU exports to China, despite the fact that China is locked in a battle with the United States for AI supremacy. "That was brilliantly done," said Jeffrey Sonnenfeld, a governance professor at Yale University. Huang was able to explain to Trump that "having the world using a US tech platform as the core protocol is definitely in the interest of this country" and won't help the Chinese military, Sonnenfeld said. Born in Taipei in 1963, Jensen Huang (originally named Jen-Hsun) embodies the American success story. At nine years old, he was sent away with his brother to boarding school in small-town Kentucky. His uncle recommended the school to his Taiwanese parents believing it to be a prestigious institution, when it was actually a school for troubled youth. Too young to be a student, Huang boarded there but attended a nearby public school alongside the children of tobacco farmers. With his poor English, he was bullied and forced to clean toilets -- a two-year ordeal that transformed him. "We worked really hard, we studied really hard, and the kids were really tough," he recounted in an interview with US broadcaster NPR. But "the ending of the story is I loved the time I was there," Huang said. Brought home by his parents, who had by then settled in the northwestern US state of Oregon, he graduated from university at just 20 and joined AMD, then LSI Logic, to design chips -- his passion. But he wanted to go further and founded Nvidia in 1993 to "solve problems that normal computers can't," using semiconductors powerful enough to handle 3D graphics, as he explained on the "No Priors" podcast. Nvidia created the first GPU in 1999, riding the intersection of video games, data centers, cloud computing, and now, generative AI. Always dressed in a black T-shirt and leather jacket, Huang sports a Nvidia logo tattoo and has a taste for sports cars. But it's his relentless optimism, low-key personality and lack of political alignment that sets him apart from the likes of Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg. Unlike them, Huang was notably absent from Trump's inauguration ceremony. "He backpedals his own aura and has the star be the technology rather than himself," observed Sonnenfeld, who believes Huang may be "the most respected of all today's tech titans." One former high-ranking Nvidia employee described him to AFP as "the most driven person" he'd ever met. On visits to his native Taiwan, Huang is treated like a megastar, with fans crowding him for autographs and selfies as journalists follow him to the barber shop and his favorite night market. "He has created the phenomena because of his personal charm," noted Wayne Lin of Witology Market Trend Research Institute. "A person like him must be very busy and his schedule should be full every day meeting big bosses. But he remembers to eat street food when he comes to Taiwan," he said, calling Huang "unusually friendly." Nvidia is a tight ship and takes great care to project a drama-free image of Huang. But the former high-ranking employee painted a more nuanced picture, describing a "very paradoxical" individual who is fiercely protective of his employees but also capable, within Nvidia's executive circle, of "ripping people to shreds" over major mistakes or poor choices.

Chancellor Merz and the E3: Germany pivots toward Europe – DW – 07/19/2025
Chancellor Merz and the E3: Germany pivots toward Europe – DW – 07/19/2025

DW

timea day ago

  • DW

Chancellor Merz and the E3: Germany pivots toward Europe – DW – 07/19/2025

A new tripartite alliance between Germany, France and the UK has emerged in response to the threat from Russia and doubts about US support for European security. Germany has had an official friendship with France for more than 60 years in the form of the Elysee Treaty. Now there is also one with the United Kingdom— the first comprehensive bilateral treaty between the two nations since the end of the Second World War. Above all, the treaty signed on Thursday provides for close security and arms cooperation, including mutual assistance obligations in the event of a crisis, though this is something that has long existed within NATO. A few days before German Chancellor Friedrich Merz signed the treaty in London, French President Emmanuel Macron and his wife Brigitte also paid a state visit to the UK that lasted several days, including a carriage ride with the royal couple and a state banquet. Their visit, too, was primarily about the security of Europe's two nuclear powers. Merz, Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer also traveled together on a train to Kyiv a few weeks ago to assure Ukraine of their continued support. Photos from the trip show the three of them in relaxed and informal conversation. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk joined them after taking another train. "E3" is the relatively new acronym for the cooperation between the three major western European nations of Germany, France and the UK. Although France and Germany are already close partners within the European Union, the UK has been on the sidelines since Brexit, when it withdrew from the 27-member political and economic union. But these differences have been set aside to address two pressing issues: the threat from Russia and uncertainty over whether US President Donald Trump would back European NATO states in the event of war. The nuclear deterrence of France and the UK, as Merz has repeatedly hinted, could supplement US protection for Europe, and perhaps even replace it in the longer term, should Washington turn its back on Europe altogether. Merz's inaugural visit to Washington in June was generally deemed a success, and his joint press appearance with Trump went off without exposing any major rifts. By contrast, Trump and Vice President JD Vance had snubbed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in front of cameras in the Oval Office in February. The scene appalled Merz at the time. Merz said little at his press conference with Trump and appeared to be nervous, while Trump talked all the more. The chancellor mainly promised more defense spending, and the US president seemed satisfied. "Trump is not interested in partnership, but in vassalage," University of Halle-Wittenberg political scientist Johannes Varwick wrote to DW. Immediately after his election victory in February, Merz said that Europe should "achieve independence from the US" in terms of defense policy. But this is unrealistic, said Henning Hoff from the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP). "In view of Europe's great dependence on the US in terms of security policy, openly turning away from Washington would be reckless and unwise," he wrote to DW. Varwick concurs: "There can be no question of independence," either politically or militarily, he wrote. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video In London, Merz hinted that while security cooperation with the UK can supplement the US defense guarantee, it could be no substitute. In a BBC interview, the chancellor also agreed with the US President when it came to European defense spending: "We know that we have to do more on our own and we have been free-riders in the past," he said. "They are asking us to do more, and we are doing more now," he added, referring to Germany's new plans to massively increase its own defense spending. Merz, who heads Germany's conservative Christian Democratic Union, repeatedly accused the previous government under center-left Social Democrat Olaf Scholz of neglecting relations with France and Poland. Immediately after taking office in May, Merz traveled to Paris and Warsaw to signal how much he values these two European partners. He appeared to instantly forge a cordial understanding with Macron, but there were tensions with Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk after Berlin introduced border controls with its neighbor to prevent illegal entry. Poland does not want to take back migrants and is also now controlling its border with Germany. The border issue was a "false start," said the DGAP's Henning Hoff. "Because symbolic migration policy was more important to him than European cohesion and good neighborly relations with Poland." At the press conference with Starmer in London, Merz emphasized that the tripartite cooperation was not exclusive: "We're always bearing in mind Poland, Italy and the other also smaller European partners in whatever decision we take," he said. Nevertheless, the journey that Merz, Starmer and Macron took together to Kyiv—without Tusk or Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni—was symbolic. And so far the new formula for security policy cooperation is E3, not E4 or E5.

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