
Libyan entities discuss restarting local pharma production at Rabta factory with Italian company Pharmacom
The discussions were chaired by the Undersecretary General of the Ministry of Health / Acting Health Minister, Mohammed Al-Ghouj, in an extensive meeting dedicated to discussing the mechanisms of reactivating the Rabta Raw Materials Factory. This comes as part of the Ministry's efforts to establish a sustainable and high-quality national pharmaceutical industry after the suspension of local production for about 15 years.
The meeting was attended by representatives of the National Authority for the Follow-up of the Implementation of the Chemical and Nuclear Weapons Conventions, the State Company for the Manufacture of Medicines and Medical Supplies, a representative of the Italian company Pharmacom, as well as a group of experts in the fields of the pharmaceutical industry, law, and specialized cadres from the Ministry's Pharmacy Department.
Diversification, reducing imports dependence and preserving hard currency
The Health Ministry says this approach comes in the context of the Tripoli government's 'Return to Life' programme, and with the direct support of Prime Minister, Abd Alhamid Aldabaiba, with the aim of reducing dependence on foreign imports and providing reliable local medicines that meet the needs of the market, in accordance with internationally approved standards.
The meeting addressed the technical, legislative and logistical aspects necessary to restart the factory, stressing the importance of developing its manufacturing capabilities to keep pace with the rapid developments in the pharmaceutical industry.
Rabta, Qaddafi and chemical weapon- late 1980s to early 1990s
It will be recalled that the infamous Rabta Factory is the factory that was part of US and international sanctions on Libya in the late 1980s and early 1990s to prevent Libya from having a chemicals weapons capability under the Qaddafi regime.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Libya Herald
3 hours ago
- Libya Herald
Tripoli Defence Ministry warns of unspecified precision air strikes against human smugglers and drug traffickers
The Tripoli based Libyan Ministry of Defence warned today ''against being near the hideouts of outlaw groups, announcing the implementation of precision air strikes in specific areas targeting the concentrations of those elements involved in human smuggling and drug trafficking''. The statement did not specify where these precision air strikes will be. The Ministry further ''called on residents in nearby areas to immediately stay away from the hideout sites, and not to provide any kind of support or shelter to these elements, stressing that the safety of citizens is a priority, and that cooperation with security and military authorities is a national duty.'' Yesterday, Libyan social media had carried unconfirmed reports of drone strikes in the coastal city of Sabrata, west of Tripoli.


New Statesman
5 hours ago
- New Statesman
The conflicts that shape us
One of the pleasures of editing this magazine is the chance to read the letters. The wit, wisdom and – how should I put this? – advice I receive each week is mighty, and appreciated. It is genuinely helpful to know what New Statesman readers are thinking: what they like in each issue and what they are less keen on. It is, for example, particularly revealing that Jonathan Sumption's essay on Gaza continues to provoke impassioned debate on both sides. The ongoing crisis in Gaza – and the British government's response – is clearly something we must continue to focus on. This week, our international editor, Megan Gibson, digs into the authoritarian instincts of the government's decision to classify the campaign group Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation. It is a disconcerting read. There is plenty of humour in the letters inbox, too. This week, I especially enjoyed Michael Henderson's note hailing the delights of Italian culture following Finn McRedmond's dispatch from Chianti last week. 'It is indeed a magnificent culture,' Michael wrote, before adding a delightfully controversial 'but' – there is always a but. When it comes to 'ale vs Sangiovese', as Michael put it, 'the English win every time'. By publishing these words, I fear I may have sparked a diplomatic incident. A letter of protest from the Italian ambassador is no doubt already winging its way to us. If so, perhaps I should provoke further – can we agree Cheddar is superior to Parmesan, and nicer on pasta? That cheese with fish is fine? And Marmite, of course, is king of all European condiments? I shall now assume the brace position under my desk. Beyond such culinary disputes, readers have also urged a greater focus on class as the driving force of British politics. I agree, and hope in the coming weeks we will be able to do more on this subject. The very question of what constitutes the 'working class' today is a fascinating topic. I remember visiting Ohio in an attempt to understand why working-class auto workers were abandoning the Democratic Party for Donald Trump. Yet, when I visited their homes, I found many had often already retired with good pensions and no mortgage. Some even spent winters in their second homes in Florida. The very poor in the cities I visited were often African American, did not own their homes and were still voting Democrat. The story, as ever, was complicated. I wonder whether it is fair to assume the university-educated children of middle England inherit their parents' class, even if they do not own assets, cannot conceive of ever doing so and, as Marx might have put it, sell their labour for increasingly poor wages. Are they middle class or part of a new working class? One thing is clear: the lure of a new left-wing party under Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana is strong for this cohort, who should not be ignored – a point made by Jason Cowley in his Diary. The main subject of this week's magazine, however, is the growing sense of unease in the country as we head into the depths of summer. As George Eaton writes, there is now real concern in Westminster at the continuing strike action over NHS pay, mounting fiscal pressure on the government and the spreading protests over so-called asylum hotels. I said when I became editor that I wanted the New Statesman to cover difficult topics like these with old-fashioned reportage – doing the hard work of travelling the country and talking to people. That is exactly what Anoosh Chakelian has done this week, visiting Diss in Norfolk and Epping in Essex to understand what is happening and why. As ever, her reporting is first-rate: thoughtful, compassionate and illuminating. I urge you to read it. Sitting alongside this is another piece of excellent writing from our new culture editor, Tanjil Rashid, who argues that the government must be prepared to have difficult conversations if resolution and integration are to be reached. Elsewhere, Will Lloyd meets a man still searching for justice after the Battle of Orgreave, Freddie Hayward details the continuing radicalisation of the Maga movement in Washington and Will Dunn offers a painfully funny – and at times just plain painful – account of King-Emperor Donald Trump's bizarre visit to Scotland. I hope you enjoy it. If you don't, the Correspondence page is all yours. Oh, and here's one for Finn: a pint of Theakston's beats a pint of Guinness. And now I'm back under my desk. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Related This article appears in the 30 Jul 2025 issue of the New Statesman, Summer of Discontent


New Statesman
5 hours ago
- New Statesman
How do we keep the lid on race-related violence?
A police car set on fire by far-right activists in Sunderland last August. Photo by Ian Forsyth / Getty Images 'Shower upon us abundant rain,' goes a Muslim prayer one learns in childhood, 'swiftly and not delayed.' A prayer for rain that makes sense in the desert. Imagine my surprise on learning the Church of England has one too. Whose idea was it to institute such a prayer in this soggy, inclement land? Its diverse uses have, however, recently become apparent: in the middle of an inconvenient hosepipe ban, to foil defeat in the cricket, or – more seriously – to maintain public order in times so tense that the country is being called a 'tinderbox' at risk of exploding again into nationwide rioting. Last summer, a far-right frenzy gripped towns across Britain. Hotels housing asylum seekers were almost burned down. Now, another such hotel in Epping is subject to anti-migrant demonstrations; these are spreading. Fearing another summer of discord, officials have been appealing to the deus ex machina of the weather. It's well known that hot summers provide the perfect conditions for public unrest to germinate. The London riots in 2011 were a summer affair, as were the 1981 England riots, the worst race-related violence the UK has seen. Tempers flare with temperatures. And rain souses the appetite to indulge in outdoor clashes. A historic heatwave also provides the metaphor for simmering conflict in Do the Right Thing (1989), Spike Lee's classic film about racial tension in a predominantly black Brooklyn neighbourhood. Lee saturates the frame – Gauguin-like – with volcanic hues of red and orange. Our eyes are primed – lava will surely fly – and after a youngster is choked to death by a cop, as George Floyd would be, the community at last erupts into violence. What would be the right thing to do in these circumstances? Lee is a dialectical filmmaker. He ends by quoting from two opposing – though equally compelling – schools of thought about political protest: Martin Luther King Jr's contention that violence is 'both impractical and immoral', and Malcolm X's rejoinder, that when violence is 'in self-defence, I call it intelligence'. The film doesn't say which of these courses of action is, in the end, right. I admire Malcolm X's courage. His insinuation that the bullet may ultimately be more effective than the ballot was born of the chronic failure of American democracy. But rewatching Lee's film, I found myself leaning more towards King. I recoiled during the climactic scene, when the amiable protagonist, Mookie, smashes up the Italian-American pizzeria that provides him with employment, a father-figure and a lively communal space (last year's rioters similarly ransacked their own community centres and amenities). Finally, the rioters threaten the local Asian-run grocery. At this moment, seeing such a familiar character threatened, I fully realised where it was that I stand in this debate. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe For all my sympathy with this community ravaged by the violence of an unjust state, I could not accept this rage against blameless bystanders. I recalled the real-life Bangladeshi family in Minneapolis, whose livelihood – a restaurant – was destroyed in Black Lives Matter protests five years ago. 'Let my building burn,' its immigrant owner, Ruhel Islam, proclaimed, 'justice needs to be served.' The restaurant's name still sticks in the mind: Gandhi Mahal, in homage to the man whose still revolutionary doctrine of non-violence King was an adherent of. By overcoming self-interest and standing with a just cause at personal cost, so clearly was Ruhel Islam. The rioters from Do the Right Thing and from last summer have divergent motives: Mookie and his friends in 1980s New York are crying out for racial justice, while last year's rioters were motivated, I do believe, by racial animus. Nevertheless, in distinct ways, they exemplify anxieties and resentments around race that can stew in any 'melting pot' society. Incidents of police brutality or, as has recently been the trigger in UK unrest, sexual assault, can blow the lid off. When that happens, since time immemorial, immigrant communities like mine are the ones consumed in the fury. How, then, to keep the lid on? This, now, is our challenge. Personally, I'd like to spread the Mahatma's teachings in Epping, but alas, that may fall on deaf ears. Severe sentencing was what the courts opted for – on violent demonstrators, deservedly, but also on inciteful or hateful speech. This, on reflection, seems appropriate. Terror was unleashed by the now jailed Lucy Connolly's call to burn down asylum hotels. But such authoritarianism betrays a political establishment increasingly of the view that the country's diverse ethnic and religious make-up can no longer sustain open discussion of topics sensitive to its respective communities. Note the state's recent activity: a superinjunction to prevent media reporting on Afghan refugee resettlement; an Online Safety Act that is concealing from the public controversial footage; making it a crime even to voice support for Palestine Action; penalising the burning of a Koran. Here, then, is a government that thinks segments of the population are so vexed by migration, or so offended by criticism of Israel, or Islam, that these conversations must be suppressed to keep the peace: ignorance coerced for the sake of bliss. If this is the cost of being tolerated, I don't really feel like paying it. I refuse to believe the country is such a tinderbox. Social cohesion will come, but only by having and withstanding difficult conversations, not by avoiding them. That's how to do the right thing. Failing that, I have my prayer for rain. [See also: One year on, tensions still circle Britain's asylum-seeker hotels] Related