Michigan attorney general to intervene in Consumers Energy's $436 million rate hike plan
The Attorney General Dana Nessel filed a notice of intervention on behalf of Michigan's residents in the electric rate case that the three-member public service commission will consider.
Consumers Energy is seeking an annual rate hike of about $436 million, which Nessel said is on top of $24 million more in deferred distribution costs through a surcharge that it is seeking to bill customers.
The increase, the Jackson-based power company said in its filing with the state, would cover investments to support "delivery of safe, reliable and resilient, clean and equitable, and competitive energy" to its customers.
The utility added in a statement to the Free Press that its request proposes "major investments in line clearing and technology across all communities we serve to support our long-term goal that no customer will go more than 24 hours without power."
"We understand many of our customers struggle to pay bills, and we are dedicated to the people who count on us for energy," it said. "We will continue to provide assistance and programs that help people reduce their energy use, pay bills and stay safe in their homes."
Nessel has promised to "thoroughly scrutinize" the rate increase, adding that it was part of what she called "a troubling continuation of the patterns" by the state's two largest regulated electric companies.
Recent rate hike requests from Consumers Energy and DTE, the attorney general said, have included what Nessel described as "inappropriate costs," which, in DTE's case, she identified as "private jet travel for executive staff" among other things.
"At some point, we have to ask how long utility companies like DTE and Consumers Energy will be allowed to treat customer bills and our energy rates like a blank check," Nessel said last month, when Detroit-based DTE said it was seeking to raise rates by $574 million.
That is more than double what the company was granted just months ago.
What's more, the Citizens Utility Board of Michigan — a nonpartisan, nonprofit group — has found, based on its review of data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration, that Michiganders already pay some of the highest energy bills in the Midwest.
In addition to high bills, the group also looked at energy reliability, which it said scored low.
More: Another DTE rate increase could 'bankrupt' Michigan families, state rep. says
Residents, advocacy groups and a state lawmaker, rallied last Thursday outside a Michigan Public Service Commission meeting at Cadillac Place in Detroit to protest DTE' Energy's request for a rate hike.
"We must continue to invest to deliver the cleaner and more reliable energy our customers demand and deserve," DTE said in an email to Free Press last week, and that it "is making progress on building the electric grid of the future."
State Rep. Donavan McKinney, D-Detroit, who is also running for Congress, addressed the crowd at the rally, saying the proposed hike is devastating for his constituents, many of whom already struggle to pay their bills.
The Michigan League of Conservation Voters, a nonprofit group which was at last week's rally, is urging the public service commission to knock down the rate hikes.
"Our bills are too damn high," said Alex Kellogg, with the league. "At a time when costs for everything are high, Consumers Energy and DTE are trying to raise our energy bills by a combined amount of more than $1 billion dollars."
Nessel, a Democrat, has been vocal in questioning rate hikes.
"Before Consumers Energy," she said, "or anyone else for that matter, can even begin to measure any affordability or reliability improvements from their last rate hike, the company is back in business asking to bill their customers an additional $400 million annually."
Contact Frank Witsil: 313-222-5022 or fwitsil@freepress.com.
This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Michigan attorney general to look at Consumers Energy rate increase
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Los Angeles Times
14 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
Concord Capital Partners Acquires $79-Million Los Angeles Apartment Portfolio
Beverly Hills-based Concord Capital Partners acquired a five-property portfolio of apartments in Los Angeles from two separate sellers for $79 million. The 537-unit portfolio was acquired with a $60.5-million senior loan provided by Arbor and supplemented with $30 million in equity. The properties are located in the Koreatown and Hollywood neighborhoods and were all built before 1930. They are recognized as iconic and architecturally significant buildings, featuring grand lobbies, ornate facades, landscaped courtyards and panoramic city views. The portfolio includes the 181-unit Langham located at 715 Normandie Ave., The Fontenoy (51 units), The Sir Francis Drake (61 units), The Piccadilly (74 units) and Park Wilshire (170 units). The new ownership will be rolling out targeted improvements, while maintaining the historical integrity of the buildings. 'We were attracted to these properties because of their favorable pricing relative to historical sales, replacement costs and what we view as the intrinsic value of the assets,' said Reuben Robin, chief executive of Concord, in a statement. Kitty Wallace of Colliers represented the seller in the sale of Park Wilshire, with Janet Neman of Kidder Mathews handling the sale of the remaining four properties. Zalmi Klein of Northmarq arranged the senior financing from Arbor. Information for this article was sourced from Concord Capital Partners.


Business of Fashion
20 minutes ago
- Business of Fashion
Swiss Watch Giant Navigates Trump's Tariff Uncertainty
Swiss watchmaker Swatch Group's chief executive Nick Hayek has a tariff problem. And the clock is ticking. US President Donald Trump unleashed a 39 percent tariff on most Swiss-made products last week, which will come into effect on Thursday. The country - known for its luxury timepieces, chocolate and secretive banks - is racing to gain a reprieve. Trump's tariffs - aimed, he says, at erasing global trade imbalances - have rattled companies around the world and sparked scrambles to shift supply chains and sales channels by many brands - few more recognizable than Swatch, which became famous for its plastic watches. The United States is the largest export market for Swiss watches. Shares in Swiss watch and luxury firms, including Swatch, slid nearly 5 percent on Monday on news of the tariffs before paring back losses. Swatch Group - the biggest Swiss watchmaker by sales volume - is trying to adapt, Hayek told Reuters. The company has front-loaded shipments to the United States, is tapping US shoppers as they travel abroad, and has also raised its prices. Part of the challenge for the industry is that Swiss watches need to be 60 percent made in the country, making it hard to shift production elsewhere. 'We produce everything in Switzerland, not in China. And we have a high cost. And when you add a 39 percent tariff, we cannot absorb that. So prices will go up for sure,' Hayek said on Monday, without giving specifics on the potential rise. Swatch Group, which also owns Swiss luxury watch brands such as Omega, Tissot and Longines, already raised prices by 5 percent following Trump's first tariff announcement in April. Hayek explained that the firm had started to ship extra inventory to the United States earlier in the year when Trump's initial salvo of global tariffs hit. Swiss watchmakers more broadly saw a spike in exports in April, trade data show. 'We shipped much more products to the United States, so this means there is not an immediate impact on us,' he said, adding that Swatch has at least three to six months of US stock in warehouses and stores, giving a short-term buffer from tariffs. The firm plans to ship 'a little bit more' inventory over the next few days before the tariffs take effect. Hayek said demand for its watches remained strong in the United States, for now. Jean-Philippe Bertschy, an analyst at Bank Vontobel, a Zurich-based private bank, said higher inventory levels built up by watchmakers would give them breathing space only for the short term. Super premium watches could more easily pass on extra costs than mid-market and entry level ones, he said. 'The industry will be hoping and praying that the tariffs can be negotiated down to something like the 15 percent that Europe has,' Bertschy said. 'If the 39 percent tariff remained, it would be devastating for the industry.' The watchmaking industry is Switzerland's third-largest export sector, behind chemicals and pharmaceuticals, and sales of machinery. It made up 9 percent of Swiss exports in 2024. Swatch Group is the third-biggest Swiss watchmaker by revenue, after Rolex and Richemont, which makes IWC, Jaeger-LeCoultre and Cartier watches. For watchmakers, a silver lining was the flexibility of sales channels for their portable products, which meant Swatch could target US shoppers while they are overseas in tourist hot spots. 'Customers are mobile,' Hayek said. When China imposed luxury taxes, that simply drove Chinese consumers to shop in Macau and Hong Kong, he said. 'There are many possibilities for Americans. They travel all over the world,' said Hayek, pointing to options like shops aboard cruise ships. 'They continue to buy even if you have to increase the prices in the United States.' 'What Counts Is What Trump Is Saying' Nonetheless, Swatch is keen for the Swiss government to quickly strike a deal to avert the threatened 39 percent tariff. Hayek called on Swiss President Karin Keller-Sutter to travel quickly to the United States to resolve the issue. The tariff rate - one of the highest tariffs globally - could hit other Swiss luxury brands such as Rolex and Patek Philippe. 'The 'Swiss-made' label is part of our DNA. The history and expertise of our industry are unique worldwide,' Yves Bugmann, president of the Federation of the Swiss Watch Industry, said. 'It is therefore inconceivable to abandon or dilute the label.' The United States is the biggest foreign market for Swiss watches overall, accounting for 16.8 percent of exports worth about 4.4 billion Swiss francs ($5.44 billion), federation data show. Bugmann said that the Swiss watchmaking sector had been investing in training in the United States as well as retail networks and services, adding the tariffs marked a 'serious blow' that would indirectly hurt the US economy. Underscoring the volatile outlook, Georges Mari, co-owner of Zurich-based investment firm Rossier, Mari & Associates, which holds shares in Swatch, said it is 'impossible' to forecast the impact on the industry. 'Tariffs can change at any moment due to the unpredictability of the Trump administration,' Mari said. The US market generated 18 percent of Swatch Group's sales in 2024, according to broker Jefferies. Switzerland's government said it was ready to make a 'more attractive offer' in trade talks with Washington, after it held an extraordinary cabinet meeting on Monday to discuss its response to the tariff. Swatch Group CEO Hayek said it wasn't yet 'doomsday' and hoped an agreement could be struck - though that was very much in the hands of the US president. 'What counts on the US side is what Mr. Trump is saying,' he said. 'Nobody else.' By John Revill, Helen Reid; Editors: Kirsten Donovan, Adam Jourdan and Joe Bavier Learn more: Swiss Luxury Watchmakers' Shares Drop After Trump Tariff Shock The sector is already under pressure from a stronger franc and falling global demand.


CNN
30 minutes ago
- CNN
ICE uses starkly different tactics to arrest immigrants in red and blue states, data shows
The Trump administration is apprehending hundreds of immigrants every day across the country – but there's a stark split in where Immigration and Customs Enforcement makes those arrests in blue states and red states. In states that voted for President Donald Trump, ICE agents are far more likely to arrest immigrants directly from prisons and jails, a CNN analysis of data from the agency found. In Democratic-leaning states, by contrast, ICE is frequently arresting immigrants from worksites, streets and mass roundups that have sparked protests and intense backlash in cities such as Los Angeles. Most of those arrested don't have any criminal record. The ICE data shows that overall, more immigrants are being arrested in red states than blue states – both in the community and, especially, in prisons and jails. But there is a clear divide in where ICE is apprehending people: 59% of arrests in red states took place in prisons and jails, while 70% of arrests in blue states took place in the community. That partisan gap between red and blue states existed before Trump's second term began – but it has widened since last year. Trump officials say the differing tactics are simply a downstream effect of sanctuary policies in many Democratic-controlled states and large cities, which can limit prisons and jails from cooperating with ICE. In many of those states, local authorities can't hold immigrants in custody based on ICE orders alone – so they're often released before immigration officials can arrest them. 'Sanctuary cities are going to get exactly what they don't want, more agents in the communities and more worksite enforcement,' Trump border czar Tom Homan told reporters last month. 'Why is that? Because they won't let one agent arrest one bad guy in a jail.' Fliers showing those arrested by ICE agents are displayed outside immigration court in Manhattan on July 24. A migrant is detained and escorted by federal immigration officers at immigration court in Manhattan on July 17. But advocates for immigrant rights say the community arrests – from raids at factories and restaurants to surprise detentions at ICE check-ins – are punitive measures aimed at instilling fear in blue states and cities. The aggressive tactics reflect 'a deliberate federal strategy to punish Massachusetts and other immigrant-friendly states for standing up against Trump's reckless deportation machine,' argued Iván Espinoza-Madrigal, the executive director of Lawyers for Civil Rights, a Boston-based nonprofit that represents immigrants in court. An ICE spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment on CNN's analysis. The divide is especially dramatic in Massachusetts, where 94% of immigrants arrested by ICE were apprehended in the community, and 78% of them had no criminal record. The state has a court decision and local policies that limit law enforcement from cooperating with ICE. The agency's regional office was also led until March by Todd Lyons, who is now the acting ICE director, and who has described the focus on community arrests in Massachusetts, his home state, as a direct response to sanctuary policies. 'If sanctuary cities would change their policies and turn these violent criminal aliens over to us, into our custody, instead of releasing them into the public, we would not have to go out to the communities and do this,' Lyons said at a press conference in June. Regardless of the cause, the varying local laws and ICE tactics are creating a 'patchwork system' across the country, said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a lawyer and policy analyst with the Migration Policy Institute. Immigrants are facing 'really divergent outcomes based on where people live,' she said. Different playbooks for arrests CNN's analysis is based on ICE records obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request by the Deportation Data Project, a research group associated with the UC Berkeley law school. The analysis covers the period since Trump took office through late June. In its annual reports, ICE defines arrests in two categories: those that happen in prisons and jails, and 'at-large' arrests in the community. In prisons and jails, ICE typically sends a detainer request to corrections officials for undocumented inmates, and then agents come to the facilities to arrest them before they leave custody. Community arrests, by contrast, include everything from workplace raids to teams trailing and apprehending immigrants. A woman waves an American-Mexican flag in a protest of immigration raids near Camarillo, California, on July 10. In 2024, under President Joe Biden – whose administration said it was prioritizing arresting and deporting undocumented immigrants with criminal records – about 62% of ICE arrests were from prisons and jails, while 27% were in the community, the data shows. So far in Trump's term, arrests overall are up, and the balance has changed: 49% have been in prisons and jails, and 44% in the community. But those percentages diverge widely between the 31 states won by Donald Trump and the 19 states won by Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris, which have similar total undocumented populations, according to 2023 estimates from the Center for Migration Studies, a nonprofit. In the Trump-voting states, ICE is not only more likely to arrest immigrants already in custody, but they're also more likely to have a record: 41% of those arrested in red states had a prior criminal conviction, compared to 36% of immigrants arrested by ICE in Harris states. Most prior convictions are for lower-level crimes like traffic offenses, immigration violations and other non-violent charges, a CNN analysis of internal ICE data found earlier this summer. In part, that disparity comes from how states and cities without sanctuary policies respond to ICE detainer requests. In most red states, those detainers are honored, allowing ICE to pick up thousands of undocumented immigrants directly from jail or prison. But in many blue states and cities, sanctuary policies direct officials to refuse ICE detainer requests without a court warrant. Some states go further in limiting local police's collaboration with ICE: Boston prevents officers from even asking about immigration status, for example. Federal agents stand guard as immigration officers carry out an operation at an agricultural facility in Camarillo, California, on July 10. The ICE data suggests that some sanctuary policies are blocking the agency from arresting immigrants – to a point. In Mississippi, for example, which has banned the establishment of sanctuary policies in the state, 87% of immigrants ICE filed a detainer request for through the end of May were later arrested by the agency in prisons and jails. In New York, which has state and local policies limiting cooperation with ICE, only 4% of the immigrants that ICE had requested detainers for were arrested in prisons and jails. So in blue states, the Trump administration has instead relied more on a different policy: immigration raids and community arrests. In Los Angeles, where those raids sparked unrest earlier this summer, Trump deployed the National Guard. The administration later sued the city for its sanctuary policies, saying the city was contributing to a 'lawless and unsafe environment.' Many activists, though, say the nature of those blue-state raids – and especially ICE's efforts to promote and publicize them – show they serve a broader purpose beyond just evading sanctuary policies. Those aggressive tactics are 'shocking and they're such a departure from the norm,' Bush-Joseph said. 'But their intent might be more so about deterrence and trying to dissuade people from coming to the US-Mexico border, as well as trying to get people to self-deport.' Overall, ICE's arrest and detention machine may just be ramping up. The recent budget reconciliation bill signed by Trump includes billions in new funding for the agency. And a growing number of local and state law enforcement agencies – largely in red states – are signing up for an ICE program that allows them to help enforce immigration laws. Massachusetts neighborhoods seeing impact of ICE arrests ICE's embrace of public arrests is particularly pronounced in Massachusetts. While Massachusetts doesn't have a formal sanctuary law at the state level, a 2017 state supreme court ruling bans law enforcement from holding anyone beyond the time they would otherwise be released on the basis of an ICE detainer request. Boston and several other cities also have policies that go further, preventing law enforcement from coordinating with ICE more broadly. Lyons, the acting ICE director, led the Boston ICE office – which is responsible for arrests in Massachusetts and five other New England states – before being elevated to his current role. In interviews and statements, he's decried sanctuary policies in the state. 'Boston's my hometown and it really shocks me that officials all over Massachusetts would rather release sex offenders, fentanyl dealers, drug dealers, human traffickers, and child rapists back into the neighborhoods,' he told reporters this summer – without addressing the fact that a large majority of immigrants arrested in the state this year had no criminal convictions. Hundreds of people gather in Boston on June 10 to defend immigrants and protest the actions of ICE. Photos of detained immigrants are shown at an ICE news conference on June 2. In May, ICE carried out what officials described as the largest enforcement operation in the agency's history, arresting more than 1,400 people in communities across Massachusetts. Around New England, other high-profile cases have included ICE officers detaining a Tufts PhD student who co-wrote a student newspaper op-ed critical of Israel and smashing the window of an immigrant's car and yanking him out of the passenger seat in front of his wife. ICE's aggressive tactics in the region have been defined by 'a general level of mean-spiritedness and brutality,' said Daniel Kanstroom, a Boston College law professor who founded the college's immigration and asylum law clinic. 'We've never seen masked agents before. We've never seen students arrested for writing op-eds before. We've never seen people dragged out of immigration court before.' Stepped-up community arrests are having a marked impact on immigrant-heavy neighborhoods in the Boston area, local advocates say. In suburbs like Chelsea and Everett, which have large Salvadoran and Central American communities, some immigrants are staying home out of fear of ICE raids. 'We're seeing people not going to their doctor's appointments, kids not going to school, folks not going grocery shopping,' said Sarang Sekhavat, the chief of staff at the Massachusetts Immigrant & Refugee Advocacy Coalition. 'You're seeing a lot of businesses in some of these neighborhoods really suffering because people just don't want to leave home… bustling, active neighborhoods that have become very quiet now.' ICE's dragnet has picked up people like Geovani Esau De La Cruz Catalan, who was arrested by immigration agents on the street outside his Chelsea home in June – just days after he crossed the stage at his high school graduation. Geovani Esau De La Cruz Catalan. The 20-year-old, who has no criminal history, came to the US from Guatemala in 2022. He told CNN his hopes to build a new life in America were dashed when he was detained. 'I thought they were going to take away all the dreams I had,' De La Cruz said in Spanish. 'I was in shock.' De La Cruz spent two weeks in ICE custody before being released with a future immigration court date. His stepmother, Mayra Balderas, said he has a work permit, but it's unclear whether he'll be allowed to stay or deported back to Guatemala. Balderas, an American citizen who immigrated to the US more than three decades ago, said ICE agents were frequently patrolling her Chelsea neighborhood, something she'd never seen before Trump took office. 'Since I've been here, I never have any experience like that – going into the neighborhoods and pulling people and doing what they're doing,' Balderas said. 'They are scaring people.' Methodology CNN analyzed data on ICE arrests and detainers published by the Data Deportation Project, a research group associated with UC Berkeley law school. The data includes administrative arrests, in which immigrants arrested face deportation, not criminal arrests for human trafficking or similar crimes. For data that was missing information about the state where an immigrant was arrested, when possible, CNN inferred the state based on which ICE field office conducted the arrest, using areas of responsibility described on the ICE website. A state could not be identified for about 11% of arrests, and those are not included in state-by-state totals. Based on information in ICE annual reports and interviews with policy experts, CNN defined arrests in jails and prisons as those with an apprehension method described in the data as 'CAP Local Incarceration,' 'CAP State Incarceration,' or 'CAP Federal Incarceration' (referring to ICE's Criminal Alien Program) and arrests in the community as those listed as 'Non-Custodial Arrest,' 'Located,' 'Worksite Enforcement,' 'Traffic Check,' or 'Probation and Parole.' About 7% of arrests were listed as 'Other Efforts' or didn't fit clearly into either category.