Drimonis: So who gets to celebrate la Fête nationale? (Hint: You do)
Every year I inevitably see a few English-speaking and allophone Quebecers express a mix of trepidation, frustration and uncertainty about whether they should even partake in the June 24 festivities.
I'm here to tell you that you should.
But I also understand where that confusion stems from.
All Quebecers get to celebrate the Fête nationale. The problem is that the word 'Quebecer' doesn't mean the same thing to everyone.
To some, it's simply someone who resides in Quebec. If you live, work and pay taxes here, you're a Quebecer. Grab that Fleur-de-lis and prepare to dance a rigodon.
Not so fast!
To others, the term 'Québécois' encompasses more than just where you live; it's a cultural and linguistic identity, designating the majority French-speaking population. To them, a 'real' Quebecer is someone with French-Canadian ancestry. To others still, it's someone who only speaks and prioritizes French above all. Since my first language (and frankly, not even my second) isn't French, am I one?
By those definitions, English-speaking Quebecers, here since the second half of the 18th century, wouldn't qualify as 'real' Quebecers. Quebec's Greek community, which first arrived here in the late 19th century, with some members settling in Montreal as early as 1843, wouldn't be the real deal either. Even if — like all other immigrant groups — we've helped shape Montreal and Quebec.
Others say self-identification is key. If you identify as a Quebecer, you are one — even if you 'dial 9 for English' or fast during Ramadan.
Any attempt to define the 'right' kind of Quebecer is unhelpful to say the least. The Coalition Avenir Québec's divisive policies, such as Bills 21 and 96, have made many of us question our identity and place here. No matter how deep our roots and contributions, we're left wondering whether we're genuinely considered part of the 'nous' the government says it fights for.
Over the years, many nationalists have pointed to my Greek name and my use of English as incriminating evidence against my Québécois credentials. Some even claim federalist Quebecers can't possibly be Québécois. They're wrong. When René Lévesque addressed the English-speaking community in a speech on sovereignty-association in 1980, he couldn't have been clearer:
''Quebecer' is a name that, to us, unites all those who were born or who live in Quebec and it links together their many language, ethnic, cultural, religious, geographic and other differences,' Lévesque said in his address at the Sheraton Mt-Royal Hotel in Montreal.
'It is the mark of belonging to a people and to a land, and the use of the word or its French equivalent 'Québécois' is in no way the exclusive property of one group and much less of one party.'
Louder for the people in the back!
Of course French is a key element of Quebec's identity, but when I celebrate Quebec culture, I celebrate all of it — all the languages, cultures and religions that find a home here.
Despite legislation, policies and rhetoric that risks alienating some of us, there's a commonality we all share that deserves to be celebrated. We, too, have a deep love for this place — and pride in being part of a unique slice of the world that can't be replicated elsewhere.
If St-Jean celebrates French-Canadian culture, heritage and identity, then this day is ours too. Because French culture and language are profoundly embedded in our Quebec and Canadian identities. They're non-negotiable elements of who we are as Quebecers and Canadians, regardless of first language or place of birth.
I see no contradiction in celebrating both la St-Jean and Canada Day, and no government's exclusionary policies should stop us from embracing — and cheering — a Quebec that belongs to us all.
Bonne Fête nationale, everyone!
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Winnipeg Free Press
6 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Cameroon's constitutional council bars main opposition candidate from presidential race
YAOUNDE, Cameroon (AP) — Cameroon's constitutional council on Tuesday rejected opposition candidate Maurice Kamto's appeal to be reinstated on the ballot for the upcoming presidential election. Kamto, a former government minister, is seen as the main challenger to long-serving President Paul Biya. Kamto had filed an appeal last month after the electoral commission did not include him in the list of approved candidates. The decision Tuesday fueled fears of unrest and increases the likelihood of another Biya victory. Security forces were deployed around the conference center in the capital Yaounde, where the Constitutional Council announced the verdict, and along the city's major roads. The previous day, police had fired tear gas and arrested dozens of people who were protesting in support of Kamto ahead of verdict. Kamto was considered Biya's strongest rival in past elections. He came second during the last presidential election in 2018 with 14% of the vote, while Biya cruised to victory with over 70% in an election marred by irregularities and a low turnout. Biya, 92, the world's oldest serving head of state, said last month he would seek reelection on Oct. 12 despite rumors that his health is failing. He has been in power since 1982, nearly half his lifetime. Biya's rule has left a lasting impact on Cameroon. His government has faced various challenges, including allegations of corruption and a deadly secessionist conflict in the nation's English-speaking provinces that has forced thousands out of school.
Winnipeg Free Press
9 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Sudan accuses the UAE of funding Colombian mercenaries to fight alongside the RSF in civil war
CAIRO (AP) — Sudan has accused the United Arab Emirates of sending Colombian mercenaries to fight alongside the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces against the military in the country's civil war. The foreign ministry said in a statement Monday that the Sudanese government has 'irrefutable evidence' confirming mercenaries from Colombia and some neighboring African countries were sponsored and financed by Emirati authorities. The statement didn't share the evidence or name the neighboring countries. 'This unprecedented phenomenon poses a serious threat to peace and security in the region and across the continent,' the foreign ministry said, asserting that hundreds of thousands of mercenaries were hired from across the African continent. There was no immediate response from the UAE or Colombia. The civil war in Sudan erupted in April 2023 in Khartoum before spreading across the country following simmering tensions between the RSF and the army. The fighting has killed over 40,000 people, displaced as many as 12 million and pushed many to the brink of famine. Sudan has long accused the UAE of being involved in the war by supplying the RSF with weapons, but the Gulf country has denied that claim. In November, an Amnesty International report said armored vehicles manufactured by the UAE and equipped with French defense systems had been captured by the Sudanese military. A spokesperson for the Emirati government said at the time that the UAE was the 'target of a coordinated disinformation campaign aimed at undermining our foreign policy, regional role and humanitarian efforts.' Sudan's army and the RSF both have been accused of committing atrocities like ethnic cleansing, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence against civilians, including children.
Montreal Gazette
11 hours ago
- Montreal Gazette
Opinion: Will the Supreme Court throw Legault a lifeline?
Op Eds A decision from the Supreme Court this fall could potentially reshape Quebec and Canadian politics for years to come. It could also be the political lifeline François Legault was secretly praying for. Canada's top court has announced it will begin public hearings on the legal challenge to Bill 21 in September. A record 38 groups are to testify before the justices, most of them publicly opposed to Quebec's secularism law. With his Coalition Avenir Québec trailing far behind in the polls, Legault couldn't have wished for better timing. The clock is ticking on next fall's general election, and he desperately needs a drastic shift in public opinion. It's unlikely the cabinet shuffle he promised at the beginning of summer will be enough to revive his government's fortunes. He needs much more than that. A constitutional showdown with Ottawa could be the catalyst Legault is looking for. A strong majority of Quebecers support the principle of separating state and religions. This debate has been simmering for over two decades now — remember Hérouxville, Bouchard-Taylor and the 'reasonable accommodations' crisis under Jean Charest? For many voters, especially francophones, secularism has become over the years a fundamental, non-negotiable value. When it was first adopted in 2019, Bill 21 was supported by nearly two-thirds of Quebecers. If the Supreme Court rules against it, the backlash could be fierce — and Legault may try to harness the public's anger to his advantage. In his position, a smart move might be to call a snap general election, asking for a strong mandate to defend Quebec's core values and fight for the right to legislate without federal interference. At this stage, it could be his last remaining wild card — both to save face and to salvage his party's future. At the heart of the case lies an important legal question: Can a province invoke pre-emptively Section 33 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms — the so-called 'notwithstanding clause' — in order to shield legislation from future court challenges? But the clause exists for a good reason. As former Quebec minister and respected constitutional scholar Benoît Pelletier once wrote: 'Contrary to what some have argued, the notwithstanding power does not undermine the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Rather, it is part of it. It is intended to ensure that collective interests are fairly taken into account.' A ruling against Bill 21 could spark a constitutional crisis the likes of which Canada hasn't seen since the failure of the Meech Lake Accord 35 years ago. For many Quebecers, it would be seen as blatant and abusive federal overreach into the province's internal affairs — a move that could even reignite debates over Quebec's place in Canada and bolster support for sovereignty. Aside from Legault, Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon is likely watching with anticipation. A nationalist surge in response to the court's ruling could benefit both the CAQ and PQ — potentially at the expense of Pablo Rodriguez's Quebec Liberal Party. So it seems the Supreme Court is walking a political tightrope. There's reason to be wary when unelected judges appear poised to tell millions of people — and their democratically elected National Assembly — that they are wrong on an issue as emotionally, historically and culturally charged as secularism in Quebec — a society which, even 60 years after the Quiet Revolution, still bears the scars of centuries of domination by the then all-powerful Catholic Church. If nationalists play their cards right, the consequences of this ruling could extend far beyond the specific legal question, potentially pushing more Quebecers to seek greater autonomy or even independence from the rest of country. With just a year to go before the next provincial election, the Supreme Court's decision could prove to be a major — and risky — political turning point. The stakes are high, and Canada's unity now rests in the hands of its nine Justices.
