Commentary: Why political families still dominate in Southeast Asia

CNA

15-05-2025

RABAT, Morocco: In the Philippines' midterm elections this week, the Marcoses and Dutertes were once again front and centre in headlines, showing the continued dominance of political families in the Southeast Asian nation.
Despite being detained in The Hague for crimes against humanity, former President Rodrigo Duterte was overwhelmingly elected as mayor of his home city in Davao. His youngest son clinched the vice-mayor position, while his eldest son was re-elected as a member of the House of Representatives and two of his grandsons secured key Davao city posts.
Meanwhile, his daughter Sara is the country's vice president, although now facing impeachment proceedings over an alleged threat to assassinate ally-turned-foe President Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos Jr.
The bitter feud between the pair has polarised voters and raised concerns over political stability ahead of the 2028 presidential race.
It has also brought into renewed attention the staying power of political dynasties, not just in the Philippines, but across Southeast Asia.
HISTORICAL ROOTS OF DYNASTIC POWER
Mr Marcos was sworn in as president of the Philippines in June 2022, marking a dramatic return to power for a family once ousted in a popular uprising.
His victory, built on a campaign that rewrote his father's dictatorial legacy, underscored a paradoxical trend in Southeast Asia where political dynasties continue to thrive in democracies that ostensibly reject inherited power.
From Thailand's Shinawatra clan to Indonesia's Sukarno lineage, political families wield significant influence throughout the region, or at least try to do so. This raises urgent questions about representation, accountability and the future of democracy itself.
Southeast Asia's affinity for hereditary politics is deeply rooted in its colonial and post-independence history.
Modern state structures in the region emerged from administrations that relied on local elites to maintain control. These elites – wealthy landowners or traditional leaders – transitioned seamlessly into political roles after independence, blending kinship networks with bureaucratic power.
The result was a system where family ties, rather than meritocratic ideals, became the currency of influence. In the Philippines, the Marcos family's resurgence reflects a nostalgia among some voters for an era of perceived stability, even as critics warn of historical amnesia.
WHY DYNASTIES ENDURE
The persistence of these dynasties hinges on three interconnected factors: name recognition, resource control and patronage networks.
Political heirs inherit more than just a surname; they wield established voter loyalty and infrastructure. Thailand's Pheu Thai Party, long associated with the Shinawatra family, has repeatedly leveraged its rural support base, built through populist policies such as healthcare and farm subsidies. Such dynasties consolidate power by directing state resources to loyal constituencies, creating a self-reinforcing cycle of dependency.
While political heirs are often male – sons like Mr Marcos, Cambodia's Hun Manet, or Najib Razak in Malaysia, groomed to succeed their fathers – the region also offers examples of women inheriting political legacies.
Thailand's Paetongtarn Shinawatra, daughter of exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, has emerged as a leading figure in her family's party, framing her rise as a continuation of her father's populist agenda. In Indonesia, Ms Megawati, daughter of founding president Sukarno, served as president from 2001 to 2004 and remains a key figure in Indonesian politics.
Yet, even as these women ascend, they confront entrenched gender biases, navigating a dual burden of upholding familial legacies while operating in systems still dominated by men.
THE DEMOCRACY DILEMMA
The rise of hereditary democracy, as critics term it, poses a fundamental challenge to egalitarian ideals.
While dynasties project stability, their dominance risks entrenching inequality and stifling competition. Younger leaders from non-elite backgrounds struggle to access funding or media visibility, perpetuating a closed system.
According to the Philippines Center for Investigative Journalism, at least two dozen political dynasties were seeking to secure at least five seats each in the May 2025 elections. With such dominance, policymaking risks becoming a battleground for elite factions rather than a forum addressing broader public concerns.
This phenomenon is far from unique to Southeast Asia. Across the globe, hereditary politics thrives in both emerging and established democracies.
In the United States, names like the Kennedys, Bushes and Clintons have shaped national politics for decades, while Canada's Trudeaus and France's Le Pens underscore how familial legacies permeate Western democracies. In India, the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty has dominated Congress Party politics for generations.
Globally, the phenomenon has drawn scrutiny for perpetuating power imbalances. Hereditary politics undermines meritocracy, as governance becomes less about collective welfare and more about maintaining dynastic control.
In Southeast Asia, as in the West, voters oscillate between frustration with elite entrenchment and resignation to its inevitability. The key difference lies in institutional resilience, with stronger institutions in established democracies often mitigating some, if not most, of the corrosive effects of dynastic rule.
THE PATH AHEAD
Breaking this cycle requires systemic reforms – strengthening party systems, enforcing anti-nepotism laws, and empowering grassroots movements. However, elites often adapt, co-opting reforms to maintain influence.
The rise of social media offers a glimmer of disruption, enabling outsider candidates to bypass traditional gatekeepers. Yet, dynasties are also learning to leverage these platforms, as Mr Marcos's TikTok-driven rebranding demonstrated.
Meanwhile, the global discourse on 'political nepo-babies' highlights growing disillusionment with hereditary privilege, pressuring democracies to reckon with systemic inequities.
Ultimately, Southeast Asia's dynasties reflect a broader struggle to reconcile tradition with modernity. Their staying power lies not in inevitability, but in the unmet promises of their nations' democracies.
As the region grapples with climate change, inequality and authoritarian resurgence, the question remains: Can it afford to keep power in the family?
Dr Sophie Lemiere is a political anthropologist who specialises in Malaysian and Southeast Asian politics, and has held research and teaching positions in major universities across Europe, the United States and Southeast Asia. She is currently Research Fellow at College de France in Paris.