
Harvey Milk name erased from Navy ship during Pride Month
The decision, which critics called politically motivated and timed to Pride Month, marks a stark reversal in the Navy's recent approach to commemorating civil rights leaders.
The fleet oiler, formerly known as the USNS Harvey Milk, will now bear the name of Oscar V. Peterson, a Medal of Honor recipient who died saving his ship, the USS Neosho, during a 1942 Japanese attack.
'We are taking the politics out of ship naming,' Hegseth said in a video posted to X. 'People want to be proud of the ship they're sailing in.'
I am pleased to announce that the United States Navy is renaming the USNS Harvey Milk to the USNS Oscar V. Peterson.
We are taking the politics out of ship naming. pic.twitter.com/2ypwAQGdAl
— Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (@SecDef) June 27, 2025
The ship was christened in 2021 under a policy from the Obama-era Navy Secretary Ray Mabus to name oilers after civil and human rights champions.
Milk, a Navy veteran who was forced to accept an 'other than honorable' discharge due to his sexuality, later became one of the first openly gay elected officials in the U.S. before his assassination in 1978.
An internal Navy memo revealed that the renaming aligns with President Donald Trump's and Hegseth's goals to 're-establish the warrior culture.'
The timing — days after WorldPride celebrations in Washington, D.C. — has drawn intense backlash.
'The removal of Harvey Milk's name from a naval vessel — during Pride Month, no less — is absolutely shameful,' state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said in a statement when the news of the name change first emerged this month. 'Brave LGBTQ veterans worked for years to achieve the naming of a ship for Harvey. Now Trump and Hegseth are wiping it away due to straight-up bigotry.'
The USNS Harvey Milk is one of 17 vessels built to honor civil rights heroes, including civil rights activist Rep. John Lewis, D-Ga.; Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy; women's rights activist Lucy Stone and abolitionist Sojourner Truth.
'Donald Trump's assault on veterans has hit a new low.' California Gov. Gavin Newsom posted on social media this month. 'Harvey Milk wasn't just a civil rights icon — he was a Korean War combat veteran whose commander called him 'outstanding.' Stripping his name from a Navy ship won't erase his legacy as an American icon, but it does reveal Trump's contempt for the very values our veterans fight to protect.'
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Atlantic
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A new class of American nationalists frets about the end of Western civilization, advancing a blood-and-soil ideology that elevates faith, family, and fealty to the nation over democratic ideals. Rather than seeking cooperation between political systems regardless of who is in power, they seek to elevate their ideological bedfellows at the expense of everyone else. It is the subjugation of diplomacy to virulent partisanship, egged on by outriders in business and politics who smell opportunity and personal advancement in populism. A persistent theme in the U.S.'s critique of Europe has to do with America's culture of free speech, derived from the First Amendment. A standard trope among the MAGA faithful is that Europe is a continent cowed by censorship. But this argument reeks of double standards: In Trump's America, saying the wrong thing can get you defunded—or deported. Everyday travelers to America now nervously expunge anything from their social-media feeds that could be interpreted as criticism of the Trump administration for fear of being arraigned at the border. So much for free speech. For all the flaws in Europe's approach to free expression, European universities do not typically advise American and other foreign students to delete private messages for fear of attracting the attention of the authorities. Yet Europeans would be well advised to recognize that there is a significant kernel of truth in some of the critiques. Recent EU laws governing online content are a sprawling mess, seem unlikely to fix the internet's problems, and risk creating structures that can be used to suppress legitimate debate. Much as Americans too readily overlook the deep fear of political extremism in a continent drenched in blood through two world wars and disfigured by fascism and Soviet Communism in living memory, the shadows of history should not be used to curtail basic freedoms today. There are stark differences in attitude toward markets and regulation too. Clearly America and Europe will never have the same attitude toward risk; the sink-or-swim approach to poverty in the U.S. is unimaginable to most Europeans, not least because it is historically associated with the rise of extremism that inflicted so much damage on the continent in the 20th century. Equally, the risk-averse (and in many cases self-sabotaging) approach to regulation in the EU is inexplicable to most Americans, who have seen how a swashbuckling culture of innovation has delivered unimaginable wealth and ingenuity to the U.S. These vastly different experiences naturally shape the operating cultures of the two continents: the American, which instinctively rejects restrictions on enterprise, no matter the broader ramifications for society; the European, which reflexively recoils from rugged individualism, even at the expense of sorely needed economic dynamism. The fact remains that Europe's businesses and innovators are held back by institutions that too often seek to prevent every potential harm rather than deliver any potential benefit. For all the desire to see 'the West' as an expression of mutual values derived from the same fundamental perspective, Europe and America are more different than our shared culture—from Henry James to Hollywood—would suggest. Our history and experiences are different; our attitudes and societies are different; and our place in the world is different too. Nothing has illustrated this more dramatically than the volte-face in U.S. government attitudes toward the Kremlin. If the aftermath of the Second World War was the foundation upon which transatlantic solidarity was established, a united stance against the authoritarian ambitions of Russia provided the brickwork for that solidarity throughout the Cold War period. Yet memories of the former have now faded, and Trump has chosen to treat Putin with more political respect than many leaders in Europe. Conor Friedersdorf: Europe's free-speech problem This abrupt change has shaken the tenets of Atlanticism down to its core. While Europeans have belatedly recognized the need to bear more of the costs for their own security, the realization that Europe and America see the geostrategic threats of the world from fundamentally different perspectives is taking root. 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UPI
10 hours ago
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The Trump administration is diverting billions of taxpayer funds into K-12 private schools. Photo by Natã Romualdo/ Pexels While the White House's fight with elite universities such as Columbia and Harvard has recently dominated the headlines, the feud overshadows the broader and more far-reaching assault on K-12 public education by the Trump administration and many states. The Trump administration has gutted the Department of Education, imperiling efforts to protect students' civil rights, and proposed billions in public education cuts for fiscal year 2026. Meanwhile, the administration is diverting billions of taxpayer funds into K-12 private schools. These moves build upon similar efforts by conservative states to rein in public education going back decades. 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As our book documents, for example, in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the states expanded public education to include high school to meet the increasing demand for a more educated citizenry as a result of the Industrial Revolution. And the GI Bill made it possible for returning veterans to earn college degrees or train for vocations, support young families and buy homes, farms or businesses, and it encouraged them to become more engaged citizens, making "U.S. democracy more vibrant in the middle of the 20th century." The other, equally significant lesson is that the democratic and republican principals that propelled Mann's vision of the common school have colored many Americans' assumptions about public schooling ever since. Mann's goal was a "virtuous republican citizenry" - that is, a citizenry educated in "good citizenship, democratic participation and societal well-being." Mann believed there was nothing more important than "the proper training of the rising generation," calling it the country's "highest earthly duty." Attacking public education Today, Mann's vision and all that's been accomplished by public education is under threat. Trump's second term has supercharged efforts by conservatives over the past 75 years to control what is taught in the public schools and to replace public education with private schools. Most notably, Trump has begun dismantling the Department of Education to devolve more policymaking to the state level. The department is responsible for, among other things, distributing federal funds to public schools, protecting students' civil rights and supporting high-quality educational research. It has also been responsible for managing more than $1 trillion dollars in student loans -- a function that the administration is moving to the Small Business Administration, which has no experience in loan management. The president's March 2025 executive order has slashed the department's staff in half, with especially deep cuts to the Office for Civil Rights, which, as noted, protects student from illegal discrimination. Trump's efforts to slash education funding has so far hit roadblocks with Congress and the public. The administration is aiming to cut education funding by $12 billion for fiscal year 2026, which Congress is currently negotiating. And contradicting its stance on ceding more control to states and local communities, the administration has also been mandating what can't and must be taught in public schools. For example, it's threatened funding for school districts that recognize transgender identities or teach about structural racism, white privilege and similar concepts. On the other hand, the White House is pushing the use of "patriotic" education that depicts the founding of the U.S. as "unifying, inspiring and ennobling." Promoting private education As Trump and states have cut funding and resources to public education, they've been shifting more money to K-12 private schools. Most recently, the budget bill passed by Congress in July 2025 gives taxpayers a tax credit for donations to organizations that fund private school scholarships. The credit, which unlike a deduction counts directly against how much tax someone owes, is $1,700 for individuals and double for married couples. The total cost could run into the billions, since it's unclear how many taxpayers will take advantage. Meanwhile, 33 states direct public money toward private schools by providing vouchers, tax credits or another form of financial assistance to parents. All together, states allocated $8.2 billion to support private school education in 2024. Government funding of private schools diverts money away from public education and makes it more difficult for public schools to provide the quality of education that would most benefit students and the public at large. In Arizona, for example, many public schools are closing their doors permanently as a result of the state's support for charter schools, homeschooling and private school vouchers. That's because public schools are funded based on how many students they have. As more students switch to private schools, there's less money to cover teacher salaries and fixed costs such as building maintenance. Ultimately, that means fewer resources to educate the students who remain in the public school system. Living up to aspirations We believe the harm to the country of promoting private schools while rolling back support for public education is about more than dollars and cents. It would mean abandoning the principle of universal, nonsectarian education for America's children. And in so doing, Mann's "virtuous citizenry" will be much harder to build and maintain. America's private market system, in which individuals are free to contract with each other with minimal government interference, has been important to building prosperity and opportunity in the United States., as our book documents. But, as we also establish, relying on private markets to educate America's youth makes it harder to create equal opportunity for children to learn and be economically successful, leaving the country less prosperous and more divided. Sidney Shapiro is a professor of law at Wake Forest University and Joseph P. Tomain is a professor of law at the University of Cincinnati. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. The views and opinions in this commentary are solely those of the authors.