Inside Gaza's humanitarian aid ‘death traps'
Five times, he has queued in caged alleys on the approach to the distribution sites, jostling alongside thousands of men preparing for the frantic sprint to snatch whatever food they can.
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News.com.au
12 hours ago
- News.com.au
Gaza has become a graveyard – both literally and morally
OPINION I have been in and out of Gaza many times over the last year, and every time it feels like stepping into an even darker version of the nightmare I had left behind. I most recently returned in late May, after a long and dangerous journey and went straight to check on two old friends. I was relieved they were still alive, but shocked to feel the bones underneath their clothes as I hugged them. Their faces were gaunt, their arms frail, and their bodies visibly wasting away. They are mothers, like so many others here, giving every scrap of food they can find to their children and surviving on little or nothing themselves. It's a silent, everyday act of love and desperation. Across Gaza, this is the reality: mothers are starving themselves so that their children might have a chance to live. Since the horrific October 7 attacks on Israeli civilians by Palestinian armed groups, I have asked myself many times whether the relentless killing, maiming, and starving of Gaza's children by Israeli forces could get any worse, any more inhumane. Terrifyingly, it has. Again, and again. There have been countless, unimaginable horrors in Gaza since the war began, including the bombing of hospitals and schools, children being disappeared, and the deliberate deprivation of lifesaving humanitarian aid to those in need. The most recent outrage is the near-daily massacre of civilians at the Israeli-backed militarised distribution sites run by the so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF). The GHF's 'safe' corridors to access aid are anything but. Civilians are herded like cattle into barren lots, scanned by drones, and often, shot at while they wait to receive the bare minimum they need to survive. At least 1000 people have been killed and over 5000 injured while trying to access aid at GHF sites. Make no mistake: any humanitarian aid is welcome. But what has been proposed so far – just 1 per cent of what is needed – is the opposite of humanitarian. It's inhumane, effectively guaranteeing continued starvation, lawlessness and desperation. Simply put, the GHF is not a humanitarian aid system. It is a deliberate and deadly failure. According to the most recent IPC figures, more than 93 per cent of the children in Gaza are at critical risk of famine. Yet there are just four GHF sites replacing the hundreds that the UN and NGOs like Save the Children used to operate under the old humanitarian architecture. The international community must demand that food not be used as a weapon of war. It must insist that all parties of the conflict facilitate unfettered access to a wide source of aid that people living in a war zone need to survive. Just delivering a tiny bit of food is no good to a child who is drinking dirty water and will die of a waterborne disease. Food is no good to a child who can't recover from the third degree burns on her legs caused by a bomb blast due to the siege on medical supplies and antibiotics. It's not just the hunger and violence wreaking havoc across Gaza. It's the hopelessness. My colleagues speak of children in our programs expressing suicidal thoughts. We are seeing a sharp increase in children being orphaned not just once, but twice as their foster families also are killed or injured. We're seeing severe behavioural issues, aggression, deep fatigue, disassociation, lack of focus, because, quite simply, children are starving and are exposed to unimaginable trauma every day. Parents are constantly terrified. It's not easy to ask them to send their child to one of our programs when the last time they walked to fetch water they watched someone get shot in the street. Healthcare here is not just collapsing, it's cruel. A British surgeon at Nasser Hospital told me he's performing surgeries on children using expired muscle relaxants. Children are waking up mid-surgery, writhing in pain. A colleague of ours was significantly injured by a bomb blast and needed reconstructive surgery on her foot and pelvis. But doctors told her she had to wait five days as they did not have any beds available and that they had no pain killers for her to take while she waited for the surgery. Imagine sustaining that type of an injury involving shattered bones and shrapnel wounds and being told not only that you could not get emergency surgery, but that you would have to wait for days with no relief. It's medieval. Every time rumours of a ceasefire begin, hope flickers, then vanishes. And every time it does, the crash in morale is worse. For our staff, who are among the 'lucky ones' with jobs, the disappointment is visceral. For the tens of thousands of displaced people with no income, no food, and no roof over their heads, it's devastating. I know Gaza often feels far away for Australians. But please believe me when I say this is not a political crisis. It is a moral one. What's happening here is not a natural disaster, it is human-made, and it is preventable. And if we accept what is happening now in Gaza, what's to stop other actors thinking they too can get away with it elsewhere? It sets a dangerous new precedent where one party to a conflict can choose what rights a civilian population can and cannot have, without any regard for international law. And the whole world becomes less safe. Never before has the systematic starvation and dehumanisation of an entire population been so well documented, filmed and sent to our devices to watch in real time every day. The Australian government must speak louder, not just for aid access, but for the basic dignity and protection of civilians. We need pressure. We need accountability. We need an end to the killing. months, including being deployed there a number of times since November 2024. She is currently back in Australia.
AU Financial Review
15-07-2025
- AU Financial Review
Inside Gaza's humanitarian aid ‘death traps'
Five times, Jihad has trekked through southern Gaza – past Israeli tanks, soldiers and sometimes drones overhead – to reach aid sites run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Five times, he has queued in caged alleys on the approach to the distribution sites, jostling alongside thousands of men preparing for the frantic sprint to snatch whatever food they can.
The Age
12-07-2025
- The Age
Meet Daniel Luria: Australian Zionist head of Ateret Cohanim facilitating transfer of Palestinian homes to Jews
, register or subscribe to save articles for later. Add articles to your saved list and come back to them any time. East Jerusalem: She could hear it any day now. The sound Najah al-Rajabi has been dreading. The thud on the door telling her that time is up: she is being evicted from the home she has lived in for the past 55 years. The prospect of looming homelessness for the 18 family members in the home terrifies her. 'I've cried so much I lost all my tears,' the widow, 69, says, her weary face framed by a purple hijab. 'I'm dying inside. I'm an elderly woman and I have nowhere else to go.' More than her own welfare, al-Rajabi fears for her grandson who lives downstairs. Awad, 31, has been in a coma since suffering a stroke six years ago, and relies on a ventilator to stay alive. His room resembles a hospital ward, not a bedroom. 'What if we are evicted and he is thrown onto the street?' she says. 'Even a few minutes without electricity could put his life at risk.' When eviction day comes her disabled 23-year-old granddaughter, who needs a wheelchair to get around, will also be homeless. As she speaks, a litter of newborn kittens nuzzle their mother on the kitchen floor, blissfully unaware of the mounting anxiety of the humans in the house. Like many buildings in this part of East Jerusalem's Silwan district, it is covered in brightly coloured murals of flowers and eyes painted by pro-Palestinian artists as part of a project called 'I witness Silwan'. Najah al-Rajabi and her grandson Awad Nasser al-Rajabi in the family home in the Batn al-Hawa neighbourhood of Silwan, East Jerusalem. Credit: Kate Geraghty Al-Rajabi's narrow apartment may be modest but, for her, it is a sacred place. It is where she has spent almost all her life, where she raised her nine children and dozens of grandchildren. She cherishes her balcony's spectacular view of Al-Aqsa Mosque, considered the third-holiest site in Islam. Al-Rajabi's late husband Awad bought the house from a Palestinian owner in 1975, and she has the documents to prove it. Yet in the eyes of the Israeli legal system, they count for nothing. On June 22, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected her family's final appeal against an eviction process that began a decade ago. Within 30 days, a Jewish family is set to move into her home, taking advantage of a law that allows Jews who owned property in East Jerusalem before 1948 to reclaim it. Israel seized East Jerusalem in the Six Day War of 1967 and considers it a part of its undivided capital city. By contrast, almost all the world's countries, including the Australian government, regard East Jerusalem as occupied territory and the prospective capital of a future Palestinian state. Today it is home to about 362,000 Palestinians and 234,000 Israelis. The al-Rajabi household is one of about 80 Palestinian families, consisting of more than 700 people, who face eviction in Batan al-Hawa, a densely populated neighbourhood in Silwan. Located just steps away from some of the most treasured sites for Judaism, Islam and Christianity, it has become one of the world's most bitterly contested patches of land. The battle being fought here – house by house, street by street, block by block – is not just about property but politics, power and identity. It can prove fatal. An imminent court decision on the possible eviction of six Palestinian families in East Jerusalem triggered a 2021 conflict between Hamas and Israel that led to an estimated 270 deaths. In Silwan we meet another grandmother, Asmahan Shweiki, 79, who is preparing to be kicked out of the home her husband bought in 1988. On June 16, the Israeli Supreme Court told her family members they had a month to vacate the property before they would be removed. 'We are living in a scary moment, I have no other place to go,' she says. 'There are memories in every part of this home.' Zuhair al-Rajabi, a relative of Najah and the head of the Batan al-Hawa neighbourhood association, says residents are facing a form of 'psychological warfare'. 'They are trying to demolish our strength, fighting us in every way they can: the army, police, settler organisations, the court.' Zuhair al-Rajabi, head of the Batn al-Hawa neighbourhood committee, says he and his neighbours are subjected to 'psychological warfare'. Credit: Kate Geraghty For the past 80 years, Silwan's population has been almost entirely Palestinian, but energetic Jewish non-government organisations are working to change that. Playing a leading role is an Australian-Israeli whose love for the Collingwood Football Club is exceeded only by his passion for Israel, and his determination to expand a Jewish presence throughout Jerusalem. Daniel Luria, 65, grew up in Melbourne but believes life only began when he moved to Israel 30 years ago. 'In Australia I was an alien in someone else's beautiful country,' he says. 'My home has always been here.' For the past 25 years, the passionate Zionist has worked as the executive director of Ateret Cohanim, a group that says it 'stands at the forefront of Jewish land reclamation in Jerusalem'. Luria summarises the organisation's mission as 'ideological real estate with an enormous number of political ramifications'. Like the Palestinians fighting to remain in their homes, he frames the property battle in East Jerusalem in militaristic terms. 'The war with Iran may be over, but the war for Jerusalem goes on,' he says. Melbourne-born Daniel Luria, executive director of Ateret Cohanim, works to facilitate the transfer of homes from Palestinians to Israelis in East Jerusalem. Credit: Kate Geraghty It's a battle fought not only over bricks and mortar, but language. Luria calls Silwan by its biblical name of Shiloach, and flinches when the term Palestinian is mentioned. 'I've said it before, and I'll say it a thousand times: there has never been a Palestinian people, nation, heritage, history. It doesn't exist … Of course, there are Arabs who live in Israel today and inside Jerusalem. And if an Arab wants to live in a Jewish state for the Jewish people I will roll out the blue-and-white carpet for him and kiss his hand.' Palestinians say they have a proud national identity and an ancient connection to Jerusalem. To limit the growth of the Jewish population in places like East Jerusalem, the Palestinian Authority has made it a crime, punishable by death, for Palestinians to sell property to Israeli Jews. The Palestinian mufti of Jerusalem has also issued a fatwa forbidding Palestinian Muslims 'from giving up, or selling Jerusalem and the land of Palestine to the enemy'. Luria says most of Ateret Cohanim's work consists of facilitating voluntary property sales from Arab owners to Jewish buyers, a task made necessary by the strict Palestinian restrictions on property sales to Israelis. The organisation's critics view its work as far less benign. In 2009, Ateret Cohanim activists were accused of breaking into a Palestinian home in Jerusalem's Muslim Quarter and changing the locks after trying to present a fake bill of sale for the property (the group denied the accusations). 'Ateret Cohanim has been accused of using methods that include bribery, straw companies and the exploitation of legal technicalities to gain ownership of Palestinian homes,' Amnesty International wrote in a 2022 report. Recordings published in 2018 showed the organisation's chairman and attorney offering Palestinian property owners prostitutes and Viagra, and threatening to destroy their reputations unless they agreed to sell their homes. A voluble character, Luria is proud of his organisation's work and happy to share his views, which he knows some will find provocative. But he declines a request to walk through Shiloach, insisting the story is better understood when viewed from a distance. From a lookout near the Mount of Olives, he points with pride to the Israeli flags now dotting the district and a synagogue that Ateret Cohanim reclaimed in 2015. 'The Arab and the Muslim world basically understands one thing: strength and strength of conviction. This here is the story of strength of conviction.' Shiloach was inhabited by Yemenite Jews from 1882 until 1938, when rioting forced them out, and they were resettled in other areas. From this time, Palestinians – many of whom were fleeing conflict elsewhere – moved into the area, which they call Silwan. The Israeli courts have found that much of the land in neighbourhoods like Batan-al-Hawa belongs to a charitable trust formed by Yemenite Jewish leaders in the 1800s. This makes the Palestinian families living there today 'illegal squatters' in Luria's words, a view affirmed by the highest levels of the Israeli judiciary. 'There's no question about ownership in relation to deed and title,' he says. 'Anyone who tells you otherwise is lying through their teeth.' Families facing eviction are commonly offered compensation, he says, though many decline to take it because of the Palestinian restrictions on land sales to Jewish Israelis. An armed Israeli security guard escorts Israeli settler children past Palestinian homes that have been issued with demolition or eviction notices. Credit: Kate Geraghty According to a February report in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, an investigation by the Israeli Justice Ministry found the charitable trust, which has filed dozens of eviction lawsuits against Palestinian families, is 'nothing more than a fictitious entity managed entirely by the Ateret Cohanim Association, in violation of the endowment's charter and contrary to the rules of proper administration'. Luria insists the two organisations are separate entities, although he sees how they are confused. 'We obviously have similar overall interests,' he says. 'Anywhere in the world, if someone is illegally squatting on your property it makes perfectly good sense to get your property back from the courts.' By contrast, human rights groups such as Amnesty International and the Israeli non-profit B'Tselem say the mass eviction of Palestinians from their homes in East Jerusalem is so extensive it amounts to a form of apartheid and ethnic cleansing. In June, the Office of the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights said evictions of Palestinians in East Jerusalem violate international law and 'form part of a concerted campaign by the Israeli State and settler organisations, which target Palestinian neighbourhoods to seize Palestinian homes and expand Jewish settlements'. Luria describes the 43 Jewish families his organisation has helped move into the area as modern pioneers, praising them for their willingness to live surrounded by Palestinians who don't want them there. 'This is the most hostile neighbourhood in the country,' he argues. Jewish residents, he says, have had washing machines dropped on them by their Palestinian neighbours and been attacked with Molotov cocktails. Unlike Palestinian residents in East Jerusalem, they are entitled to government-funded security protection and allowed to carry firearms. The Jewish residents moving in today are not necessarily descendants of the Jews who fled the area in the 1930s and few have Yemenite heritage. 'It's not a relevant factor,' says Luria. 'We are the indigenous people of this land: Jews have a right to come back to this land, live in this land, and especially to get back properties that the Jews were thrown out of. I can't think of anything more obvious or straightforward than that.' Fakhri Abu Diab's home looks like a bomb site. Indeed, it appears virtually identical to the Israeli homes destroyed in missile attacks during last month's 12-day war between Israel and Iran. But it was bulldozers that turned his home into a pile of rubble on Valentine's Day last year.
