Pope Leo XIV draws criticism, praise for record on clergy sexual abuse
Pope Leo XIV draws criticism, praise for record on clergy sexual abuse
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Pope Leo XIV speaks English at first Mass in Sistine Chapel
Pope Leo XIV held his first Mass in the Sistine Chapel. He said a few words in his native English before continuing in Italian.
As many celebrate Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost's historic selection as pope, the world's largest organization for clergy sexual abuse victims is worried about the pontiff's past handling of sexual abuse cases and called on him to take a tougher stance on the issue that has long plagued the Roman Catholic Church.
The Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP), a network that says it represents more than 25,000 victims and supporters worldwide, released a statement on the day of Pope Leo XIV's selection expressing "grave concern" and urging him to "enact a truly universal zero tolerance law for sexual abuse and cover-up."
The Chicago-born pontiff was chosen to lead the Vatican on May 8, just one day after the conclave to pick a successor to the late Pope Francis began. Prevost, 69, was born and raised in Chicago but went on to spend most of his career in Peru, first as a missionary and then as a bishop. He is a dual U.S.-Peruvian citizen.
Prevost's ascension resurfaced concerns about his record on clergy sexual abuse during his tenure in Chicago and in Peru, including that he failed to do enough to address victims' allegations.
The Vatican has denied Prevost engaged in any wrongdoing, and the former cardinal has drawn plaudits in other cases for helping address abuse threats. He has also advocated for more transparency on the topic from the church.
In an interview with the Peruvian newspaper La Republica, he denounced clergy sexual abuse and urged victims to come forward. In Peru, he helped dissolve an ultra-conservative Catholic movement Sodality of Christian Life after investigations uncovered years of sexual abuses, corruption and mismanagement, according to the Vatican News.
Still, survivors are worried he will not take a tough enough stance to eradicate abuse within the church.
Cases in Chicago, Peru spur questions of accountability and transparency
While Prevost led the Augustinians in Chicago in 2000, a priest whose former ministry years earlier had been restricted over allegations of child abuse, moved into an Augustinian monastery near a Catholic elementary school. Church officials at the time failed to notify the school and, according to the Chicago Sun-Times, church records even claimed there was no school nearby.
In 2006, the Illinois attorney general added the priest, James Ray, to its public list of "abusive clerics and religious brothers," claiming there were 13 reported survivors between 1974 and 1991. The Vatican has denied that Prevost permitted Ray to live at the monastery.
Prevost also faces allegations of inaction in connection with his time in northwestern Peru. While he served as a bishop in Chiclayo in 2022, three woman came forward with allegations that they were sexually abused by two priests beginning in 2007 when they were minors.
The victims said in a public statement that Prevost failed to thoroughly look into the allegations. They said, "no investigation was carried out, nor were the precautionary measures for the protection of the faithful, boys and girls ... the case was filed and archived," according to the National Catholic Reporter.
Two months before Prevost was elected pope, SNAP filed a complaint against him with the Vatican, claiming he failed to open an investigation and "sent inadequate information to Rome."
Civil authorities in Peru closed the case after the statute of limitations had passed. The Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, which investigates cases of clergy sexual abuse, closed the case in 2023.
In a public letter, the Diocese of Chiclayo said accusations that the former cardinal "remained silent in face of the complaints ... is not true." The Vatican has also denied any wrongdoing by Prevost.
Prevost helped bring down abusive Catholic group in South America
Pedro Salinas, a Peruvian journalist who wrote a bombshell expose on the Sodalitium of Christian Life in 2015, said Prevost played 'an extremely important role' in the Catholic movement's dissolution.
Leaders of the ultra-conservative group founded in Peru had faced widespread allegations of corruption as well as physical, psychological and sexual violence, including against minors.
In January, Prevost and Pope Francis, who had long paid close attention to the case, met with Jose Enrique Escardo, one of the group's victims who spoke out against the movement and its abuses. Pope Francis dissolved the movement weeks before he died, according to the Vatican News.
"It was a stunning and extremely rare outcome," said Bishop Accountability, a victims advocacy group in a statement after Prevost was elected pope. "Yet punishing abusers isn't heroic — it's moral and decent. We pray we see more of this decisive action by Prevost when he is pope."
Speaking to the media on May 8, Bishop Carlos García Camader, the head of Peru's bishops' conference, praised Prevost's work with abuse survivors, saying he "opened the way here in Peru to listen to the victims, to organize the truth commission" against the Sodalitium of Christian Life.
In public statements, Prevost has stated firmly that he stands against sex abuse in the church. In the 2019 interview with La Republica, he encouraged victims of abuse to come forward and said he supported more transparency from the church.
"We reject the cover-up and secrecy, that does a lot of damage, because we have to help the people who have suffered from the bad act," he said, later adding, "On behalf of the Church, we want to tell people that if there was any offence, if they suffered or are victims of the bad actions of a priest to come and denounce it, to act for the good of the Church, of the person and the community."
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UPI
4 hours ago
- UPI
'No Kings' protests draw millions nationwide, organizers say
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Los Angeles Times
8 hours ago
- Los Angeles Times
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Atlantic
9 hours ago
- Atlantic
No to Iran's Regime, No to Israel's War
Sepideh Qolian, a 30-year-old Iranian labor activist, spent two years in Tehran's Evin Prison, where she wrote two books, one of them a celebrated prison memoir in the form of a baking cookbook. Just last week, Qolian was released—and three days later, Israeli missiles and drones began striking targets inside Iran. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has addressed the Iranian people, telling them that his war can help them free themselves from their oppressive government. 'This is your opportunity to stand up,' he said. Curious how Iranian opposition activists were responding to this message, I called Qolian. 'I know that war won't bring democracy,' she told me. She was active in the Women, Life, Freedom movement against compulsory veiling in 2022–23, and she told me that Netanyahu is no champion of the movement's values. 'The life that we wanted is the mirror opposite of the terrible events that are now happening,' she said. But the war hadn't endeared Iran's leadership to her, either—she blames its aggressive policies for the country's predicament. That Iran has a substantial population opposed to its system of government is well known and has been oft-proved through cycles of protest and repression. The Women, Life, Freedom movement was one dramatic iteration. It followed economically motivated protests in 2017–19, the sweeping pro-democracy Green Movement in 2009–10, a student uprising in 1999, and an electorally based movement for reform covering nearly all the years since 1997. Iranians have been outspoken inside the country and across an ever-growing diaspora against the Islamic Republic's human-rights abuses, constriction of personal freedoms, economic mismanagement, and belligerent foreign policy. 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They worried about their own safety—and also about societal collapse and the destruction of Iran's infrastructure. 'I oppose the Islamic Republic and Khamenei with all my being,' a 24-year-old activist, who asked that I withhold her name out of concern for her safety, told me from Tehran. 'I took part in many demonstrations during the Women, Life, Freedom movement. But now I can't even think about the regime or overthrowing it. I am scared. I am worried. I fear for the life of myself and everyone around me.' A 26-year-old activist who was arrested during the 2022–23 protests told me that she was emphatically opposed to the Israeli strikes. 'The war goes beyond the regime,' she said in a phone call. 'It has massive negative consequences for our country. It is destroying the economy. It can lead to hunger, shortage of medicine, cutting connections with abroad. It is a total disaster. It is killing innocent people in both Israel and Iran.' One young activist was busy trying to escape the capital with her elderly and sick mother when I called. They were heading north, to the coast of Caspian Sea, an area thought to be safer from attacks. 'I can't think about activism under the sound of drones and missiles, can I?' she asked me rhetorically. 'I don't support the targeting of civilians anywhere, whether in Iran or Israel.' Alireza Ghadimi, a sociology student and activist at the University of Tehran, was still in his dorm when I caught up with him. His campus has a long history as an epicenter of protest, both against the Shah during the revolution and against the Islamic Republic, which crushed student protests there in 1999. 'I carry this history with me,' Ghadimi said, 'and it now feels terrifyingly alive.' He described the sounds of explosions, the shaking of walls, frightened voices outside. 'I am one of many young Iranians who want change,' he said. 'But this war is not helping us. It is destroying us. It is silencing the very people it claims to save.' Prominent figures in Iran's movement for democracy have also come out against both the war and the regime. From his prison cell in Evin, former Deputy Interior Minister Mostafa Tajzadeh condemned the Israeli attacks and called for an immediate cease-fire. But he also called for 'a peaceful transition to democracy' in Iran. The Nobel peace laureates Shirin Ebadi and Narges Mohammadi were joined by five other activists (including the director Jafar Panahi, who last month won the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival) in issuing a call for an immediate end to the war and condemning the attacks on civilians by both Iran and Israel. They also called for an end to Iran's enrichment of uranium and for a democratic transition. The Islamic Republic has decades of protest movements and crackdowns behind it, and with those, a globe-spanning diaspora of opposition exiles. Most of the people I spoke with were of a fairly like mind with their counterparts inside Iran. A young activist in Europe, who asked that I withhold her name because she frequently visits Iran, told me that she understood the glee that greeted the first killings of regime military figures. Still, she said, 'anybody who's seen what Israel has done in Gaza, Lebanon, and even Syria recently would know that Netanyahu is not seeking stability in the region. He is hitting Iran's refineries and power stations, so he is clearly not thinking about our people.' For a more seasoned opinion, I spoke with one of my political heroes, the 80-year-old human-rights lawyer Mehrangiz Kar. She helped organize the fight against the mandatory hijab right at the Islamic Republic's inception in 1979 and has been a voice for democracy and the rule of law ever since. She was hounded out of Iran about 20 years ago and now lives in Washington, D.C. 'When I see the Israeli strikes on Iran today, I feel like I am seeing the burning of my very own house,' she told me. 'They are targeting my homeland. This isn't acceptable, no matter who is doing the attacks. No such attack is acceptable under international law.' Kar told me she blames Khamenei for having made an enemy out of Israel for decades. But she made clear that Netanyahu is no friend to Iran's freedom fighters. 'Nobody I spoke to in Iran supports these attacks,' she said. 'People are angry, and they hate the Islamic Republic. But they now probably hate Mr. Netanyahu and his military policies even more.'