Why everyone should have a second account for daily spends
Why your main account shouldn't do it all
Whether it's your daily shopping, SIPs, or food orders, your main account does a lot. Over time, this creates a clutter of mixed transactions, making it harder to track spending, notice subscriptions, or spot wrong charges. Worse, with digital payment frauds on the rise, frequent use increases the risk. One scam or small oversight can instantly compromise your savings and undo months of careful money management.
Airtel Payments Bank: Built for safe, everyday use
The savings account by Airtel Payments Bank is a smart second account made for the digital lifestyle. It's simple to open, easy to manage via the Airtel Thanks App, and packed with built-in security features for your peace of mind.
Take control of your money with a second account that works smarter
In a world where digital transactions happen constantly, separating your daily spending from your core savings is more than just a smart habit - it's a safety net. A second account gives you clearer visibility, stronger control, and added protection from overspending or fraud.
Download the Airtel Thanks App and switch to Airtel Payments Bank - the safe second account for all your daily transactions.
Note to the Reader: This article has been produced on behalf of the brand by HT Brand Studio and does not have journalistic/editorial involvement of Hindustan Times.
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Hindustan Times
15 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Mumbai Eastern Waterfront is the last chance for the city to save itself
After the mill land debacle, Mumbai is on the threshold of losing yet another precious public land to commercialisation and possibly, privatisation – its port land along the Eastern Waterfront Front (EWF). This contiguous land parcel which stretches from Wadala in the north to Colaba in the south, falling under the jurisdiction of the densest wards of the city, namely A, B, C, E, F-North, and F-South is set to be leased out for 30 years, in parts, as ad hoc individual plots, hence, implying that any master planning for this area is redundant. Mumbai, India - Aug. 11, 2025:Railway manager's building at Ballard Estate, BPT properties, in Mumbai, India, on Monday, August 11, 2025. (Photo by Anshuman Poyrekar/ Hindustan Times) (Hindustan Times) What makes this public land holding extremely significant is that other than the A ward it lies adjacent to the most impoverished wards of the city which have minimal public amenities, facilities or utilities, and even more importantly, it lies at the interface between Mumbai city and the hinterlands of Mumbai Metropolitan Region which are projected to house a population of 30 million by the year 2030. This long harbour fronting land also forms Mumbai's first line of defence for any climate related disasters on the eastern side. Hence, the EWF provides a huge opportunity for Mumbai, the last opportunity, to address deficiencies in the city and adjacencies, such as the much-required public open spaces, augmented public amenities, utilities and services, create employment, education, water transportation and healthcare facilities for both the city, the region and beyond. It is an opportune location for creating the link between Mumbai and the new airport in Navi Mumbai, the growing JNPA port land and the Panvel-Vasai multi-modal corridor and can tie together the local public transport, the water ferries to the Konkan, the Metro lines and the trans harbour links into a major hub for the city and region. However, although the MbPA land is very much a part of Mumbai, it falls under the purview of central government due to the prior shipping operations, and now instead of being returned to the city, it is being planned autonomously by the central government without any heed to its importance of being integral to opening up the east-west movement between Mumbai and MMR. And this, despite planning being a state subject under the Constitution. Technically, the port was given this land by the state in the late 1860s for the public activity of shipping. And now, with much of it no longer being used for its original purposes of shipping, sea trading and logistics operations, it is being used sub-optimally, and lot of it is either lying vacant or being squatted upon. So, since this land is no longer required for the original stated purpose, it should be returned back for the city's purposes. This was clearly stated in the then PM's directive, during the formation of JNPT. As the MbPA's activities shift to JNPT, the land of MbPA will be brought forward for greening of the Mumbai city which was woefully inadequate for the city's population even then. Non-port usage allows for activities such as urban planning, infrastructure, economic, environmental, housing development, tourism etc. These are also provided for under the BMC Act of 1888 and the MR&TP Act of 1967, hence, it is not justified that the Port Trust overlook the non-port related usage, by overriding the constitutional provisions. All reports on revival of this public land including the University of York Dissertation Report (1997), EWF publication of UDRI (2002) and the Rani Jadhav Committee Report (2014) recommend integrating it symbiotically with Mumbai city. Despite this, already the Masterplan of 2018 for the port land was an attempt to monetise this land. However, at least it retained the larger picture for EWF which was that it would seamlessly connect to the DP 2034 of Mumbai. But this most recent initiative of leasing land ad hoc for what is best perceived as under-valued monetary gain, virtually negates any efforts of the last two and half decades to integrate EWF with the city in a planned manner. In line with the government's recent trends of monetising public land, even the MbPA's land is being doled out to private interests, under the guise of perceived public good, whilst rendering huge losses to the public exchequer. The emphasis seems to be more on commercial development for the purpose of profiteering, as opposed to the Rani Jadhav Committee (2014) that looked at commercial zones to build a fund for self-financing the plan. Further, this ad hoc doling out of public land parcels for lease will only make the task of utility and service delivery extremely difficult, especially to industrial parcels of land with 100-year-old amenities and utilities, extinguishing any hope for the city to reorganise itself and provide open spaces, amenities, utilities to the exploding urban form of the inner city. It is an earnest request to the decision makers to rethink this strategy in light of the stresses in the city and the inevitable climate change. Moreover, it really is a necessity to urge the State Government and local authorities i.e. the BMC to intervene and get the land back for Mumbai where it is so urgently required rather than letting it out to the highest bidder who will use it in the most lucrative commercial form with scant regard to public aspiration and requirement. Considering the lease is tagged at a highly under-valued average rate of less than ₹900/sq. ft., on the face of it, it appears to be designed as a bonanza for private interests. If one looks at this from a global planning perspective, most major port cities across the world have learnt from past mistakes and calibrated their master plans – be it London, Hull or Liverpool in the UK, Baltimore or Seattle in USA or Rotterdam, Bilbao and Amsterdam in NW Europe or Singapore and Hong Kong in SE Asia – to reinterpret and redefine defunct dock areas to integrate them into the city as major green lungs for augmenting recreation, culture, education and hospitality or tourism uses. Now it is time for Mumbai to confront this flawed usurping of city land. Mumbai needs to ensure that parochial planning and greed does not write the fate for this precious land as it once did for the defunct mill lands. We need to lay down the path for the city to rejuvenate itself by ensuring that the last opportunity does not become a missed one. This 18 km of contiguous land which is three times that of the mill lands, lying along the waterfront and has huge amounts of infrastructure in place should be rightfully adopted by the city to create a sustainable, appropriate and inclusive master plan, integrating Mumbai Metropolitan Region and Mumbai city. Pankaj Joshi is a conservation architect and principal director, Urban Centre, Mumbai
Mint
a day ago
- Mint
Dry days alert in August: No liquor sale in Delhi, Mumbai and Bengaluru on These dates; check full list
With festivals knocking the doors from August onwards, authorities in metro cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Bengaluru have announced dry days list. On these days, all bars, pubs, restaurants, wine stores, and liquor shops across the cities will be closed. The restriction will be imposed on a 24-hour basis. The Delhi administration has imposed back-to-back dry days this week, with all liquor shops shut on Independence Day and Janmashtami. The liquor vends in different licence categories will be closed on August 15 for Independence Day and on August 16 for Janmasthami, Hindustan Times quoted an order issued by Delhi government's excise department as saying. Apart from this, all the liquor vends, bars, restaurants, hotels and clubs will remain closed on Independence Day as well as on October 2, the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, the order said. With the grand festival 'Ganesh Chaturthi' to be celebrated from 27 August in Maharashtra, the state government has issued a strict order on the sale of liquor in Mumbai and its environs. Apart from 15 August, the state excise department has marked multiple days when the sale of alcohol will be prohibited in Mumbai. All the liquor shops bars, pubs, and wine shops will remain closed, not only on 15 August for Independence Day, but on 16 August too for Janmashtami, the birth of Lord Krishna. The state has marked a strict ban on 27 August and 6 September on sale of alcohol in Mumbai, first and last day of Ganesh Chaturthi. In the 10-day grand festival, which will culminate with Anant Chaturdashi (Visarjan Day) on 6 September, dry days may also be imposed on 5 September, citing public processions and large-scale gatherings. Also, if necessary, the restrictions may be imposed throughout the 10 days of the grand festival and there will be complete ban on sale of alcohol through licensed vendors, restaurants, or bars. However, there is no bar on private consumption, but purchasing alcohol on these days will not be possible. The Bengaluru administration has imposed two consecutive dry days next week, with a liquor ban on 15 August for Independence Day and again on 16 August for Janmashtami. On these two days, there will be 48-hour restriction on the sale of alcohol through licensed vendors, restaurants, or bars across the city. Also, Ganesh Chaturthi on 27 August is also likely to be a dry day in Bengaluru. Similarly like Mumbai, the administration may impose additional restrictions during the immersion period on 6 September.
Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Hindustan Times
Changing track on pollution
The Supreme Court's decision on Tuesday to halt coercive action against owners of so-called end-of-life vehicles (ELVs) is more than just a procedural breather: It's a much-needed shift away from an unscientific, punitive approach that has bothered motorists for nearly a decade. The court has agreed to revisit its own 2018 order, which upheld the National Green Tribunal's 2014 directive banning diesel vehicles over 10 years old and petrol vehicles over 15 from the roads in the National Capital Region. In doing so, it has given space to discuss a valid argument: Emissions, rather than age, should be the yardstick of a vehicle's roadworthiness. There is no data-based evidence proving that every diesel vehicle over 10 years old is uniformly more polluting than a newer one. (Hindustan Times) On paper, the logic of the original ban appeared to be straightforward — older vehicles are presumed to pollute more. But such a presumption is a poor substitute for scientific rigour. There is no data-based evidence proving that every diesel vehicle over 10 years old is uniformly more polluting than a newer one. In fact, many such vehicles have low annual mileage, are well maintained, and meet pollution under control (PUC) norms. A vintage car that is taken out a few times a year may be cleaner over its lifetime than a modern SUV driven daily through Delhi's gridlock. The age-based ban is a blunt approach — easy to enforce, but scientifically questionable. The broader point is that Delhi's pollution crisis will not be solved through piecemeal measures. Targeting motorists while leaving far more damaging sources — industrial emissions, construction dust, biomass burning — largely untouched is selective enforcement. Such bans also disproportionately affect lower- and middle-income citizens for whom replacing a vehicle is a financial burden. They also ignore the environmental cost of scrapping and manufacturing — processes that consume vast energy resources. If the aim is cleaner air, the route must be a comprehensive, sector-wide strategy that marries technology with policy. Real-world emissions monitoring, expansion of clean public transport, mandatory retrofitting of high emitters, and investment in walkable and cyclable infrastructure must form the core. The role of the State is to create systems that are proactive, consistent, and rooted in science. The Supreme Court has now opened the door to establishing a more rational framework — one that focuses on pollution vehicles, not their birthdays. If the government can seize this moment to craft a broad-spectrum, evidence-based plan, Delhi could finally take a step towards solving its air crisis.
