
EFF's Mente calls for full implementation of SADC Model Law on Eradicating Child Marriage
JOHANNESBURG - The Economic Freedom Fighter (EFF)'s Veronica Mente has called for the full implementation of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Model Law on Eradicating Child Marriages.
Mente tabled the motion at the 57th SADC Parliamentary Forum in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, over the weekend.
The meeting wrapped up on Sunday, with the adoption of several key resolutions on artificial intelligence and its impact on the work of legislatures.
Earlier in the week, the speaker of the National Assembly and leader of the South African delegation, Thoko Didiza, presented South Africa's country report.
The report highlighted the progress made in implementing resolutions adopted at the 56th plenary assembly, held in December 2024 in Zambia.
This includes Africa's efforts to leverage technology and innovation in building a smart, inclusive, and responsive parliament.
This time around, the South African delegation submitted three motions - one on strengthening cyber security in the SADC region, another on increasing efforts to prevent the spread and impact of HIV/Aids and a motion by Mente to combat child marriages.
'This practice continues to deny young millions of young girls their rights to health, education, and to the well-being of all the girls, and it is perpetuating a cycle of poverty and gender inequality.'
According to the United Nations Children's Fund [UNICEF], in eastern and southern Africa, 35% of women are married before the age of 18.
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Daily Maverick
15 minutes ago
- Daily Maverick
SA must seize opportunity of tectonic global shifts to remodel its economy
The GNU must use the global governance crisis and its chairing of the G20 as a catalyst for the country to reorient its incorporation into global production structures, remodel its economy, ignite social renewal and secure national self-reliance. Despite its success in restoring diplomatic and economic interaction between South Africa and the US, President Cyril Ramaphosa's recent encounter with his American counterpart, President Donald Trump, also inadvertently cast an unflattering spotlight on South Africa's problem of pervasive crime and governance failures. The globally televised Oval Office drama, broadcast in prime time, highlighted domestic troubles that successive post-apartheid governments have failed to tackle effectively. It was a huge wake-up call for the year-old government of national unity (GNU) and an inflection point for the country's democracy. South Africa is at a crossroads. It is caught in the middle of major geopolitical shifts and a global governance crisis, which has been amplified by the ascendancy of the Trump administration in the US, colliding with its internal governance failures. These governance failures are typified by a slew of social and economic problems that have hampered the country's progress. These include a stagnant economy, high unemployment, poor public education and health systems, dysfunctional municipalities and state-owned enterprises, decaying infrastructure, endemic corruption, appalling public finances, widespread illegal immigration, an unwieldy and underperforming public service and rampant crime. Decisions required This moment of global turmoil and domestic crisis calls on the country's political leaders to make decisions about its future. It requires the GNU to make tough policy choices that will extricate the country from its social and economic stasis and launch it on a path towards national renewal and success. South African leaders will do well to draw on historical lessons in terms of how the country can confront global adversity and propel a new growth trajectory. Take, for example, how the country responded to the destruction caused by the onset of World War 2. The war galvanised many countries, including South Africa, to accelerate manufacturing, starting with munitions, arms and other critical supplies. In the aftermath of the war, South Africa built its industrial capabilities and raised its agricultural productivity. The foremost public policy consideration for the government at the time was post-war reconstruction. The Van Eck Commission, as well as the Social and Economic Planning Council, were set up with briefs to produce policy insights that would shape post-war development. Their recommendations led to, among other matters, an increase in farm support, the creation of marketing boards for agricultural products and the expansion of manufacturing activities. The war acted as an anchor to ignite economic recovery, and import tariffs played a key role in nurturing the development of an infant industry. Medical supplies for military use were also produced locally. Structural change was manifest on several fronts in the post-war years, especially between 1945 and 1970. During this period, there was a strong emphasis on capitalising on the conditions created by the war to stimulate local production and build the country's manufacturing capabilities. This sparked a rapid increase in national economic output and the growth rate, which averaged 5%. Second, manufacturing eclipsed primary production as the main driver of growth. Third, there was a marked shift in demographic concentration from rural to urban areas. The growth of metropolitan areas stimulated demand for infrastructure, housing and other amenities. Various state-owned enterprises created in the 1920s through to the 1950s contributed to the development of a manufacturing path. Eskom was formed in 1923 to produce cheap electricity for the railways and drive industrialisation. Iscor was set up as a monopoly to maximise the processing of domestic ore and achieve vertical integration in steel production. The Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) was established in 1940 to offer cheap finance to spur industrialisation. The IDC was instrumental in the founding of Sasol in 1950, which was created to produce synthetic fuels, mainly from coal. Moreover, South Africa, under the Union Government, and later under the apartheid government, deployed industrial policy systematically. This combined tariff protection, import-substitution industrialisation and the creation of industrial champions anchored in cheap energy and steel to stimulate downstream production. Industrial financing was funnelled to benefit not only the manufacturing sector, but also agriculture. These policy actions were central to powering South Africa's industrialisation and to catapulting the country towards national self-reliance. This industrial transformation would not have been possible without visionary leadership, firm political will and effective governance. The state played a pivotal role in propelling South Africa's industrial development and securing the economic advancement of poor Afrikaners. Hendrik van der Bijl, a brilliant engineer and technocrat who served as Director-General of War Supplies in the government of General Jan Smuts, was the driving force behind the creation of Eskom, Iscor and the IDC. Other influential public servants and scientists of this era included Frans du Toit and Etienne Rousseau, respectively founding chairman and managing director of Sasol, as well as Hendrik van Eck, head of the IDC. Opportunities in 2025 The rapidly changing geopolitical landscape, coupled with a crisis of multilateralism, provides South Africa with the opportunity to change course. In the same way as their predecessors used a crisis moment to remodel the post-war economy, South African leaders must take advantage of the tectonic global shifts to implement long-delayed structural reforms and fundamentally alter the structure and growth path of the South African economy. This means, among others matters, growing the economy and removing constraints to doing business, supporting the development of new sectors including innovation-driven industries, accelerating the inclusion of small and medium enterprises in the mainstream of the economy, reorienting trade and foreign policies, reforming state-owned enterprises, revitalising socioeconomic infrastructure, curbing illegal immigration, clamping down on crime, overhauling the public service and rooting out corruption. Thanks to poor governance, South Africa missed out on opportunities to turn around the country's chronically underperforming economy and ensure that it fulfils its considerable potential, overhaul the flawed foundations of the country's social and economic structure and seriously tackle the underbelly of inequality, poverty and social exclusion. This was the case, for example, at the height of the global commodity boom in the early 2000s, in the aftermath of the 2008/9 global financial crisis, and in the wake of the Covid-19 global pandemic. The crisis of global governance, which coincides with significant geopolitical changes and South Africa's chairing of the G20, provides another opportunity. The GNU must use the intersection of these developments as a catalyst for the country to reorient its incorporation into global production structures, remodel its economy, ignite social renewal and secure national self-reliance. The South African government today, unlike the erstwhile Union Government, is not reeling from the ravages of a global military war. But it faces conditions akin to war. It, therefore, must respond with the same degree of urgency and purposeful state action to what has become a dire national emergency. However, it cannot do that in the absence of inspired and effective leadership, as well as strong state institutions. Without a meritocratic, competent, professional and ethical public service, South African policymakers will fail to implement far-reaching structural reform of the country's political economy. DM


Daily Maverick
15 minutes ago
- Daily Maverick
The strategic reforms that could transform South Africa's economy
The key is to break the strangleholds that Eskom and Transnet have on our electricity, ports and railways. Introducing real competition into electricity generation and the operation of ports and railways is the key to unlocking real growth in South Africa's stagnant economy. So said Deputy Finance Minister Ashor Sarupen at a seminar organised by the In Transformation Initiative last week, where Jakkie Cilliers, head of the African Futures unit at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), presented the unit's latest report, co-written with Alize le Roux, which forecasts SA's growth trajectory to 2043. The seminar pondered why, despite the creation of a government of national unity (GNU) last June and the virtual end of load shedding, the South African economy only grew by a miserly 0.1% in the first quarter of 2025. Cilliers said South Africa was caught in a 'classic upper middle income growth trap'. From 1990 until 2025, South Africa's economy had grown by an average of 2.3% a year, and on its current path, without significant reforms, he forecast it would grow at an average 2.4% annually from now until 2043. That would expand GDP from about $402-billion in 2025 to about $628-billion in 2043, in constant 2017 US dollars. This 'slow but steady growth' would not be enough to dent poverty. It would barely keep pace with the population, which the unit forecast would expand from about 65.5 million in 2025 to about 77 million in 2043. Cilliers said annual GDP per capita would therefore rise from $12,600 in 2025 to about $14,700 in 2043 — with South Africa falling behind the rest of the world (except Africa) where he forecast average annual GDP per capita would climb from $20,300 in 2025 to $28,500 in 2043. He noted that on its current development trajectory it would take South Africa until 2037 to return to the peak GDP per capita of $13,800 that it reached in 2013. South Africa had been stagnating for years, with steady deindustrialisation, weak investment, and a growing dependence on social grants undermining growth, particularly during the Jacob Zuma presidency, Cilliers said. Cilliers noted that 740,000 South Africans entered the labour market every year, and because of slow growth and a very capital-intensive economy the number of unemployed people increased annually. In 2023, the International Labor Organization (ILO) found that South Africa had the highest unemployment rate globally after only Eswatini. Because being part of the informal sector is considered 'work' by the organisation, South Africa's relatively small informal sector contributed to this high percentage. In South Africa, only about 18% of the labour force is employed in the informal sector. Cilliers noted that about 62% of South Africans were now living below the World Bank's poverty datum line for upper middle income countries, of $6.85 per person a day. On South Africa's current economic path, that percentage would decline 'modestly' to 58% in 2043, though the absolute number of people living below that poverty datum line would increase, from some 40.9 million in 2025 to 44.4 million in 2043 (because the overall population would rise). Cilliers said South Africa should now be reaping a 'demographic dividend' because its ratio of working age population – aged 15 to 64 — to its dependent population (children and elderly) had now reached 2.1. In the African Futures calculations, the demographic dividend should kick in when the ratio of working people to dependents reached 1.7. he said, Economic growth stunted by poor human capital But South Africa was not earning this dividend largely because economic growth was being stunted by poor human capital, mainly an unhealthy population, many of whom were still afflicted by HIV/Aids and tuberculosis and low-quality education. The question, he said, was why South Africa did so poorly on social capital, education and health, given the very high levels of expenditure on those services. 'And the only answer that you can come up with is government inefficiency, the poor use of existing funds. And the question is, how do we escape the middle-income trap?' Cilliers asked. He said the African Futures team had modelled the effects of reforms in eight different sectors on South Africa's economic development. These were demographics and health; agriculture; education; manufacturing; infrastructure and 'leapfrogging' (i.e. bypassing older technologies); free trade; financial flows; and governance. They found that the largest return was from increased manufacturing, followed by freer trade and then better governance. So, for instance, all eight sectors combined would increase GDP per capita in 2043 by about 33%, from the $ 14,750 on the current path to $19,650. Of this, increased manufacturing would contribute about $930; freer trade (with the full implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement) would contribute about $900; and better governance about $800. The combined impact of those eight reforms would decrease the percentage of South Africans living below the $6.85 a day poverty rate to 50% by 2043, down from 62% in 2023. This would represent 6.1 million fewer poor people than if the economy remained on its current path, though still leaving South Africa with a large poverty burden, Cilliers said. The African Futures team had compiled a laundry list of recommendations, starting with the need to strengthen governance and accountability through evidence-based policies, curtailing corruption and increasing accountability and inclusivity. Deputy Finance Minister Sarupen, of the DA, said much of Cilliers' analysis resonated with assessments by the Treasury's own economic policy team and the work being done by the government's Operation Vulindlela and by various parties in the GNU. He agreed that merely 60% growth in the size of the economy over the next two decades 'will not get us out of the trap that we're in' and that South Africa was in danger of falling from upper middle to lower middle income status. Structural constraints The low growth was driven by structural constraints, weak productivity, low investment in capital, higher inequality and an underperforming formal labour market. The Treasury was 'acutely aware of this'. But he said the government had to prioritise its reforms to tackle the problem because of the many competing demands of a massive amount of social ills and a very strong active civil society. He noted that South Africa had a system of fairly autonomous government ministries that made it harder to pursue coherent policies. Cilliers had identified manufacturing and freer trade as South Africa's best paths forward. Sarupen noted that cheap reliable energy with stability of pricing and supply underpinned manufacturing and industrialisation . 'And one of the drivers of our de-industrialisation has been excessive pricing and inefficiency of supply that really hurts manufacturing in South Africa,' he said. He noted that while prices in the rest of the economy had risen 196% since 2009, Eskom's prices had increased by 403%. So Eskom was driving inflation and deterring investment. Sarupen added that part of the reason GDP growth had been so low over the past year, despite an end to load shedding, was because companies had sunk so much money into load-shedding-proof themselves over the past few years that they had not spent enough on actual business expansion and employment. Sarupen also noted that free trade — another key reform advocated by Cilliers — 'requires you to be able to actually move goods and services cheaply and easily around, so the logistics reforms need a lot of depth and need to maximise competition. 'And so in the reform process that we're undergoing we need to be careful to not just bring the private sector into Transnet's monopoly structure. But rather how do we create competition, across multiple ports for example.' Likewise, South Africa had to maximise competition in railway freight lines. He agreed with Cilliers that crime had to be tackled much better as it was discouraging investment as well as acting as a deterrent to economic activity inside South Africa because, for example, citizens were fearful of using public transport to go to work. Rule of law He said the rule of law was the foundation of all other economic reforms, followed by macroeconomic stability, and then better education and health, and only after that global competitiveness and industrial masterplans. Sarupen did note though that South Africa's foundation of macroeconomic stability was 'probably one of our saving graces'. He also said that the government had to reduce debt. He noted that about 90% of South Africa's debt was denominated in rands, and about 75% of that was purchased by domestic markets. Rand debt was generally better than debt in foreign currency but the scale of government borrowing, about R300 to R400-billion a year, was crowding out the amount of capital that could be invested in business ventures and therefore growth. He added that the relatively high premium of about 11% on a 10-year South African Government Bond was discouraging businesses from investing in riskier ventures. He noted that many of the investments in this year's controversial national Budget were important — such as in public transport. He said, for example, that while a lower income worker in Vietnam earned a similar wage to a lower income worker in South Africa, the Vietnamese worker spent about 10% of his or her income on transport, the South African workers spent around 50%. 'People are going to work to earn money to be able to go to work,' he said. And this was diverting money away from workers buying goods and services, which was essential for economic growth. DM


The South African
32 minutes ago
- The South African
Trump's new travel ban targeting 12 countries takes effect
A new travel ban signed by US President Donald Trump officially took effect today, Monday, 9 June. As reported by BBC , the travel ban essentially bars nationals from 12 countries from entering the US. These countries include: Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. Travellers from seven other countries – Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan, and Venezuela – will also face partial restrictions. According to reports, the White House said the so-called 'common sense restrictions' was meant to protect national security and prevent 'dangerous foreign actors' from entering the US. This also marks the second time Trump has implemented a broad travel ban. A similar policy was signed in 2017 during his first term, sparking widespread legal battles and protests. While the order is sweeping, it does include several exemptions. The travel ban does not apply to: Lawful permanent US residents (green card holders) Immediate family members of US residents who hold immigrant visas US government employees with Special Immigrant Visas Children being adopted by US citizens Dual nationals when the individual is not travelling on a passport from one of the affected countries Afghan nationals with Special Immigrant Visas Holders of 'immigrant visas for ethnic and religious minorities facing persecution in Iran' Foreign nationals entering with specific non-immigrant visas Athletes, coaches, and support staff attending major sporting events like the 2026 FIFA World Cup and the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.