logo
Chatbot vs national security? Why DeepSeek is raising concerns

Chatbot vs national security? Why DeepSeek is raising concerns

Iraqi News17-02-2025
Seoul – Chinese AI chatbot DeepSeek upended the global industry and wiped billions off US tech stocks when it unveiled its R1 programme, which it claims was built on cheap, less sophisticated Nvidia semiconductors.
But governments from Rome to Seoul are cracking down on the user-friendly Chinese app, saying they need to prevent potential leaks of sensitive information through generative AI services.
AFP takes a look at what's going on:
Who has banned DeepSeek?
First to act was Italy, which launched an investigation into DeepSeek and said it was blocking the upstart Chinese app from possessing Italian users' data.
Italy's Data Protection Authority had briefly blocked Western competitor ChatGPT in 2023.
Next, Taiwan banned workers in the public sector and at key infrastructure facilities from using DeepSeek, saying it was a Chinese product and could endanger national security.
Australia following suit days after.
Then, South Korean ministries — including defence and unification, which oversees ties with the nuclear-armed North — and the country's police force banned the app from military and work computers, citing security risks.
On Monday, authorities there said that DeepSeek would not be available from local app stores while a review of its handling of personal data is carried out.
US lawmakers have also moved to introduce a 'No DeepSeek on Government Devices Act', with Congressman Darin LaHood saying the national security threat that 'Chinese Communist Party-affiliated company' DeepSeek posed to the United States was 'alarming'.
State-level bans were also issued in Texas, Virginia and New York.
Texas Governor Greg Abbott said personal information 'must be protected from malicious espionage operations by the Chinese Communist Party.'
Why are they worried?
In the terms and conditions of DeepSeek, there is a section on the provision of personal data to third parties — very similar to that used by OpenAI's Chat GPT.
But while US companies typically resist government requests for data, 'in China when the government requests access, companies are legally obligated to provide user data', said Youm Heung-youl, a data security professor at Soonchunhyang University.
'This distinction between respecting user privacy and providing government access often shapes how countries perceive trust in companies.'
According to DeepSeek's privacy policy, it also collects information on 'key stroke patterns or rhythms' which detects how an individual interacts with each button.
Is this justified?
DeepSeek 'have a policy of aligning with the core values of socialism' Isabel Hou, Taiwanese AI expert and secretary-general of Taiwan AI Academy told AFP.
For example, sensitive enquiries about Tiananmen Square or Taiwanese statehood –- which would typically be censored in China –- should be possible on DeepSeek elsewhere.
'But we find that DeepSeek actually uses the same set of rules when providing services overseas,' Hou added.
Beijing, for its part, claims the restrictions do not reflect legitimate national security concerns but highlight 'the politicisation of economic, trade and technological issues'.
It says the Chinese government 'will never require enterprises or individuals to illegally collect or store data'.
Is this unexpected?
'DeepSeek was launched in May of 2023, and something like this can't just emerge overnight,' Park Seung-chan, Chinese studies professor at Yongin University told AFP.
Experts point to the enormous amount of research and development (R&D) China has poured into companies in recent years.
According to data from the Korea Chamber of Commerce, China ranked second among the world's top R&D investors, following the US, but showed the most significant growth, with its investment volume soaring more than 11-fold over the past decade.
'I see this (the release of R1) as a calculated move that was prepared before the Trump era, and we should pay attention to the second and third waves of DeepSeek,' said Park.
What next?
DeepSeek says it uses less-advanced H800 chips — permitted for sale to China until 2023 under US export controls — to power its large learning model.
While semiconductor exporting powerhouses South Korea and Taiwan have been thriving on sales of cutting-edge chips, DeepSeek has thrown the industry into turmoil.
'If DeepSeek really used H800, it means that even without cutting-edge semiconductors, similar outcomes could be achieved with general semiconductors, as long as the software is good,' Park Ki-soon, a professor of Chinese economics at Sungkyunkwan University told AFP.
'Countries like the US and China are investing massive amounts of talent and resources into software development,' he said, adding that DeepSeek showed governments needed to boost this further and 'provide support to foster this growth'.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

China's promise in the Kurdistan Region: A pragmatic partnership in the making
China's promise in the Kurdistan Region: A pragmatic partnership in the making

Rudaw Net

timea day ago

  • Rudaw Net

China's promise in the Kurdistan Region: A pragmatic partnership in the making

Also in Opinions Eleven years on, the Yazidi genocide continues in silence Tehran at a tipping point: The unraveling of the Iranian rial Turkish lira's rocky road: What rate cuts mean for its neighbors Iraq's budget shortfall crisis: can oil revenues save the second half of 2025? A+ A- China's economic presence in the Kurdistan Region is growing steadily and strategically. From newly erected telecom towers to round-the-clock cement factories and classrooms offering Mandarin lessons, the signs of cooperation are visible. Yet behind this growing footprint lies a deliberate, measured campaign - one that combines commercial outreach, cultural diplomacy, and cautious engagement in major infrastructure projects that still await financing and implementation. China's global economic pivot - from investment-driven expansion to a more targeted focus on high-tech sectors such as renewable energy, artificial intelligence (AI), and advanced manufacturing - offers important context for understanding its approach to the Kurdistan Region. International investors and analysts observe that Beijing favors long-term partnerships and sector-specific engagement over headline-grabbing diplomatic gestures. This strategy helps explain why Chinese firms operating in Erbil are active in sectors where quick, tangible results are achievable, while larger infrastructure ambitions advance more slowly. Zou Demin, Consul for Economic and Trade Affairs of the People's Republic of China in Erbil, described the Kurdistan Region as 'an important gateway for regional trade and a promising hub for economic cooperation.' Chinese activity in the Region is deliberate and tailored, he said, adding, 'We see opportunities not only in oil and gas but also in agriculture, infrastructure, and technology.' Zou emphasized Beijing's pragmatic approach: projects must align with local needs and capacities, and although progress is gradual, momentum is growing. A growing commercial footprint Local business leaders echo this pragmatic tone but offer a sharper on-the-ground perspective. Kamil Ahmed Hama Rash, advisor at the International Chamber of Commerce in China, noted that Iraq's trade with China reached $40 billion in 2023 - 2024. Chinese customs data puts the total trade volume at $54.2 billion in 2024, with $26.65 billion recorded in the first half of the year alone. According to Hama Rash, companies in the Kurdistan Region account for roughly $5 billion of this annual trade, facilitated by approximately 250 trading firms. Much of this commerce arrives via the ports of Umm Qasr, Bandar Abbas, and Mersin located in southern Iraq, Iran and Turkey, respectively. A significant portion is re-exported to neighboring markets, underscoring the Region's potential as a logistical and trade hub. Hama Rash identifies a key logistical priority: establishing a dry port in the Kurdistan Region to streamline trade operations and reduce costs for importers and exporters. However, structural challenges remain. Many local traders avoid commercial loans due to interest rates that conflict with Islamic financing principles. Additionally, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) must upgrade its transport infrastructure, customs systems, and legal frameworks to transform trade into broader industrial development. Agreements vs. actions Despite these challenges, concrete achievements are visible. Chinese partnerships, particularly between Huawei and local telecom providers, have advanced digital infrastructure. Chinese-built cement factories supply a large share of materials fueling the Region's post-conflict construction boom. On the cultural front, China's soft-power efforts are bearing fruit: hundreds of Kurdistan Region residents participated in Chinese training programs in 2024, supported by the China Scholarship Council (CSC) on behalf of the Chinese education ministry. Moreover, the Chinese Language Department at Salahaddin University in Erbil anchors this educational and cultural engagement. However, grander ambitions have yet to be realized. Memoranda of understanding have been signed for hydropower projects and a major refinery, but financing delays and supply chain constraints have stalled progress. This gap between signed agreements and on-the-ground delivery is a key concern for local observers. While MoUs make for optimistic headlines, meaningful impact demands job creation, technology transfer, and long-term capacity building - not just short-term contracts or imported equipment. There is also a broader strategic consideration. Relying heavily on a single external partner for critical sectors raises concerns about competition, local value retention, and economic resilience. To maximize benefits from Chinese engagement, experts argue, the KRG must secure binding commitments on local content, workforce training, and transparent procurement processes that prioritize local suppliers and labor. Consul Zou affirmed that Chinese engagement will continue to deepen. 'Our cooperation should bring mutual benefit and shared growth,' he told Rudaw. But mutual benefit must translate into visible outcomes: sustainable jobs, apprenticeships in Chinese-built facilities, and financing structures aligned with local preferences, including Islamic finance. A path to sustainable partnership The policy recommendations are clear, though challenging to implement. The KRG must prioritize establishing a legal and logistical framework for a dry port to streamline trade and reduce costs. At the same time, it should pursue contracts that include enforceable provisions for local content and workforce development, ensuring that investments lead to meaningful economic participation for the Region's people. Additionally, the KRG needs to diversify its financing mechanisms in ways that address both religious considerations and commercial concerns, especially given the widespread reluctance toward conventional interest-based loans. On the other side, Chinese companies and institutions should emphasize measurable local benefits - demonstrating, rather than merely stating, that their investments are improving living standards, creating jobs, and transferring skills. For the people of Erbil and the wider business community, China's engagement offers a door of opportunity that remains only partially open. The future of this relationship will hinge on whether agreements move beyond paper and result in actual construction, employment, and technology transfer; whether expanding trade flows can be transformed into enduring industrial capacity; and whether both sides can successfully align their legal and financial frameworks to support resilient, locally beneficial projects. If these elements align, the 'momentum for cooperation' cited by Consul Zou could indeed evolve into a powerful driver of regional growth. If not, China's economic footprint in the Kurdistan Region, while significant, may ultimately fall short of its full potential. Omar Ahmed is editor-in-chief of Rudaw's Economy Desk. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Rudaw.

Oil climbs on US-China truce and geopolitical hopes
Oil climbs on US-China truce and geopolitical hopes

Shafaq News

timea day ago

  • Shafaq News

Oil climbs on US-China truce and geopolitical hopes

Shafaq News Oil prices rose on Tuesday as the United States and China extended a pause on higher tariffs, easing concerns an escalation of their trade war would disrupt their economies and crimp fuel demand in the world's two largest oil consumers. Brent crude futures gained 26 cents, or 0.39%, to $66.89 a barrel by 0015 GMT, while U.S. West Texas Intermediate crude futures rose 22 cents, or 0.34%, to $64.18. U.S. President Donald Trump extended a tariff truce with China by another 90 days, a White House official said on Monday, staving off triple-digit duties on Chinese goods as U.S. retailers prepared for the critical end-of-year holiday season. This raised hopes that an agreement could be attained between the world's two largest economies, and could help sidestep a virtual trade embargo between them. Tariffs risk slowing down economic growth, which could sap global fuel demand and drag oil prices lower. Investors are also looking ahead to a meeting between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on August 15 in Alaska to negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine. The meeting is set amid heightened U.S. pressure on Russia, with the threat of harsher penalties on Russian oil buyers such as China and India if no peace deal is reached that could upset oil trade flows. "Any peace deal between Russia and Ukraine would end the risk of disruption to Russian oil that has been hovering over the market," ANZ senior commodity strategist Daniel Hynes wrote in a note. Trump set a deadline of last Friday for Russia to agree to peace in Ukraine or have its oil buyers face secondary sanctions, while pressing India to reduce purchases of Russian oil. Washington has also been pressing Beijing to stop buying Russian oil, with Trump threatening to impose secondary tariffs on China. The risk of those sanctions being enacted has receded ahead of the August 15 Trump-Putin meeting. Also on the radar is U.S. inflation data later in the day, that could hint at the Federal Reserve's interest rate path. Any sign that the central bank may cut rates soon would support crude prices.

Russia And China Conduct Large-Scale Naval Military Exercises
Russia And China Conduct Large-Scale Naval Military Exercises

Memri

time2 days ago

  • Memri

Russia And China Conduct Large-Scale Naval Military Exercises

From August 1-5, 2025, Russia and China held naval exercises, called "Maritime Interaction-2025," in the Sea of Japan showcasing a growing military coordination and a shared intent to counterbalance U.S. influence in the region. It is worth noting that, on July 21, 2025, Russia and Iran launched a three-day annual naval exercise codenamed CASAREX 2025 in the Caspian Sea. The three-day drill was hosted by Iran's Northern Fleet and the Fourth Naval District of Imam Reza.[1] Maritime Interaction-2025 (Source: Russian Ministry of Defence) Following is a translation of a report on the Russian-Chinese naval drills:[2] This Drill Is "The Most Significant Bilateral Military Event" Between Russia And China In 2025 "From August 1 to 5, Russia and China [conducted] large-scale naval exercises 'Maritime Interaction-2025' in the waters near Vladivostok in eastern Russia. This is one of the most significant bilateral military events between the two countries this year, which is taking place against the backdrop of increasingly close bilateral relations in the defense sector and continuing tensions between the countries [of the region]. "According to the data of China's Ministry of National Defense, warships, diesel-electric submarines and naval aircraft from both sides took part in the exercises. The Chinese Navy deployed the Type 052 destroyer 'Shaoxing' to lead the grouping, while Russia deployed the large anti-submarine ship 'Admiral Tributs' as the leading vessel. The exercises included submarine and air defense, search and rescue operations and live-fire drills. "Despite the fact that both Moscow and Beijing have stated that the exercises are part of their annual cooperation plan and are not directed against any particular country, analysts note that they carry many strategic messages. In the context of the growing military presence of the U.S. and its allies in the Asia-Pacific region, the further strengthening of defense cooperation between Russia and China is perceived as a move aimed at demonstrating a united stance and strengthening influence in a region, which is sensitive to geopolitics. "According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Russia and China have conducted more than 100 joint exercises over the past 20 years, wherein since 2018 their number increased sharply. Furthermore, the two countries also regularly conduct joint naval and air patrols in areas near Japan, the Korean Peninsula, and the East China Sea, which are areas with a U.S. military presence." "No Coincidence That China And Russia Chose This Particular Moment To Coordinate Their Actions" "Immediately following the exercise, the two countries also planned to continue their sixth joint naval patrol, demonstrating an increased coordination [of the fleets]. Meanwhile, the exercise in waters adjacent to Japan also attracted attention from the regional public, especially in the context of the ongoing dispute between Russia and Japan over sovereignty over the South Kuril Islands. "Although Russia and China have not yet established a formal military alliance, they are gradually increasing their coordination capabilities, especially in joint combat situations. Observers argue that both sides pursue a long-term goal: to create a new balance of power at sea, where the United States and its allies will not have an advantage. "In addition to technical and training elements, the 'Maritime Interaction-2025' exercises clearly reflect the trend of using the navy as the main tool in the struggle for influence. With its ability to be deployed at long distances, [to asset] control over maritime space and to coordinate armed forces, the navy is becoming the centerpiece of modern defense and deterrence strategies. "It's no coincidence that China and Russia chose this particular moment to coordinate their actions. Against the backdrop of growing U.S. military support for Ukraine and the further development of security alliances in Asia, the two countries' high-intensity exercises are a way to reassert their roles and interests in the Pacific region, which is becoming a new center of global competition."

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store