Granderson: Money will be tight. Americans will suffer. Will the top 10% step up?
The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 slashed the corporate tax rate from 35% to 21% and more than doubled the federal estate tax exemption rate for married couples, from $11 million to $27 million. An analysis by the Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee of Taxation found that beginning in 2027, lower- and middle-class families could see a tax increase that would exceed the rate they paid before 2017.
Sadly, the law is set to expire at the end of the year. It would be just awful if America's billionaires lost the gift that this law gave them; they've increased their collective wealth by trillions since the tax cuts went into effect. Thankfully, Congress is in talks to protect these vulnerable individuals.
The current news cycle is saturated with stories about disillusioned Trump supporters finding out what they actually voted for, as they lose jobs and benefits. Not the top 10%, though. They own 90% of all the stocks on Wall Street. They know exactly what they were voting for.
There's another notable result of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act: the $20-billion decrease in charitable donations. Part of the reform included changing the standards for a tax write-off for 20% of Americans. That led to fewer dollars being given to charities, many of which help people in need. It is rather telling that the same law that increased wealth by the trillions for the few led to billions being kept from the many.
After the country entered World War I in 1917, to help pay for it President Wilson and Congress introduced Liberty bonds and expanded the federal income tax, which increased the number of people paying to 4 million, up from 500,000. Concerned the tax increase would prevent wealthier Americans from donating, the War Revenue Act of 1917 introduced the charitable donation policy. It wasn't a loophole that needed closing; it was a door the federal government opened so that Americans were incentivized to still help one another after money got tight.
When President Trump took office in 2017, the economic trend in the country was pointing north. Job participation was above 60%, unemployment below 5%, and wages increased by 2.5% from the year before. That doesn't mean every American was rolling in cash, but certainly we were better off than the folks in 1917. So why tinker with charitable donations of all things? If the federal government saw fit to encourage people to give in the hard times, why remove the incentive in good times? It would be laughable to pretend that the goal was fiscal responsibility, considering how Trump's cuts inflated the deficit.
Whatever their goals, it's definitely conservatives who have the power right now in Washington. Are they really planning on using it to decrease charitable giving? And if they do, will the organizations that depended on tax-incentivized donations suffer?
Earlier this month, the Contemporary Theater of Ohio in Columbus was left in a lurch after Trump's anti-DEI directive prevented a $10,000 National Endowment of the Arts grant from coming their way. Local businesses stepped up to fill in the gap so the show could go on. That's one production at one theater. The question is how sustainable the 'kindness of strangers' business model will be for nonprofit organizations as a whole in the years ahead if people are not as able to receive a tax benefit.
Recently the Federal Reserve signaled the U.S. could be heading toward a recession. Usually that means layoffs, wage freezes — money is going to be tight. People will be in need. And one of the Trump administration's first acts, back in January, was an attempt to destroy institutional safety nets.
Without tax incentives, will the private sector meet the nation's needs? Or will the cuts in donations continue while the wealthiest among us continue to rake in trillions?
@LZGranderson
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This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
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President Donald Trump says he's deploying 2,000 California National Guard troops to Los Angeles to respond to immigration protests, over the objections of California Gov. Gavin Newsom. It's not the first time Trump has activated the National Guard to quell protests. In 2020, he asked governors of several states to send troops to Washington, D.C. to respond to demonstrations that arose after Minneapolis police officers killed George Floyd. Many of the governors he asked agreed, sending troops to the federal district. The governors who refused the request were allowed to do so, keeping their troops on home soil. This time, however, Trump is acting in opposition to Newsom, who, under normal circumstances, would retain control and command of California's National Guard. While Trump said that federalizing the troops was necessary to "address the lawlessness" in California, the Democratic governor said the move was "purposely inflammatory and will only escalate tensions." Here are some things to know about when and how the president can deploy troops on U.S. soil. Generally, federal military forces are not allowed to carry out civilian law enforcement duties against U.S. citizens except in times of emergency. An 18th-century wartime law called the Insurrection Act is the main legal mechanism that a president can use to activate the military or National Guard during times of rebellion or unrest. But Trump didn't invoke the Insurrection Act on Saturday. Instead, he relied on a similar federal law that allows the president to federalize National Guard troops under certain circumstances. The National Guard is a hybrid entity serving state and federal interests. Often it operates under state command and control, using state funding. Sometimes National Guard troops will be assigned by their state to serve federal missions, remaining under state command but using federal funding. The law cited by Trump's proclamation places National Guard troops under federal command. The law says that can be done under three circumstances: When the U.S. is invaded or in danger of invasion; when there is a rebellion or danger of rebellion against the authority of the U.S. government, or when the President is unable to "execute the laws of the United States," with regular forces. But the law also says that orders for those purposes "shall be issued through the governors of the States." It's not immediately clear if the president can activate National Guard troops without the order of that state's governor. Notably, Trump's proclamation says the National Guard troops will play a supporting role by protecting ICE officers as they enforce the law, rather than having the troops perform law enforcement work. Steve Vladeck, a professor at the Georgetown University Law Center who specializes in military justice and national security law, says that's because the National Guard troops can't legally engage in ordinary law enforcement activities unless Trump first invokes the Insurrection Act. Vladeck said the move raises the risk that the troops could use force while filling that "protection" role. The move could also be a precursor to other, more aggressive troop deployments down the road, he wrote on his website. "There's nothing these troops will be allowed to do that, for example, the ICE officers against whom these protests have been directed could not do themselves," Vladeck wrote. The Insurrection Act and related laws were used during the Civil Rights era to protect activists and students desegregating schools. President Dwight Eisenhower sent the 101st Airborne to Little Rock, Arkansas, to protect Black students integrating Central High School after that state's governor activated the National Guard to keep the students out. George H.W. Bush used the Insurrection Act to respond to riots in Los Angeles in 1992 after the acquittal of white police officers who were videotaped beating Black motorist Rodney King. National Guard troops have been deployed for various emergencies, including the COVID pandemic, hurricanes and other natural disasters. But generally, those deployments are carried out with the agreement of the governors of the responding states. In 2020, Trump asked governors of several states to deploy their National Guard troops to Washington, D.C. to quell protests that arose after Minneapolis police officers killed George Floyd. Many of the governors agreed to send troops to the federal district. At the time, Trump also threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act for protests following Floyd's death in Minneapolis — an intervention rarely seen in modern American history. But then-Defense Secretary Mark Esper pushed back, saying the law should be invoked "only in the most urgent and dire of situations." Trump never did invoke the Insurrection Act during his first term. But while campaigning for his second term, he suggested that would change. Trump told an audience in Iowa in 2023 that he was prevented from using the military to suppress violence in cities and states during his first term, and said if the issue came up again in his next term, "I'm not waiting." Trump also promised to deploy the National Guard to help carry out his immigration enforcement goals, and his top adviser Stephen Miller explained how that would be carried out: Troops under sympathetic Republican governors would send troops to nearby states that refuse to participate, Miller said on "The Charlie Kirk Show," in 2023. After Trump announced he was federalizing the National Guard troops on Saturday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said other measures could follow. Hegseth wrote on the social media platform X that active duty Marines at Camp Pendleton were on high alert and would also be mobilized "if violence continues."