Damascus ‘Under Fire': Israel Strikes Assad's Palace Zone Twice In 7 Days, Netanyahu Threatens Syria
Former Bangladesh general and a close aide of chief adviser Muhammad Yunus has sparked a controversy with his remarks on India's imminent action against Pakistan over the Pahalgam terror attack. On Tuesday, Major General (Retd.) ALM Fazlur Rahman called on Bangladesh to occupy India's northeastern states if war breaks out between India and Pakistan. On Friday, the Bangladesh interim government distanced itself from the remarks. Watch for more details.
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The Hindu
4 hours ago
- The Hindu
Bangladesh, a year after Sheikh Hasina's ouster
Bangladesh today is abysmally different from the trajectory promised to the people by Professor Muhammad Yunus when he was sworn in (August 8, 2024) as Chief Adviser of the Interim Government. Many myths have been shattered. The first myth that has unravelled is that Sheikh Hasina's ouster was the result of a 'spontaneous students' uprising'. It is now accepted that the 'meticulously designed' regime change operation was the handiwork of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the radical Islamist political party that fought against the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 2024, as in 1971, the JeI was strongly supported by Pakistan, backed by key external powers including the United States and China. The JeI is the power behind the Chief Adviser, controlling every decision. The second myth concerns the legitimacy and constitutional validity of the Yunus-led regime. On August 8, 2024 they took the oath of allegiance to the Constitution of Bangladesh. However, this Constitution has no provision for an interim government. Even though the Bangladesh High Court (on December 17, 2024) restored the system of caretaker government, the Yunus-led Interim Government cannot be considered a caretaker government. The Yunus regime has violated the mandated neutrality and non-party requirements of the caretaker government. Members of the Hizb-ut Tahrir, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Hefazat-e-Islam have been included as advisers in his regime. In a tweet (now deleted), one of the advisers expressed their desire to establish a caliphate in Bangladesh based on Sharia law, and even spoke about a civil war to achieve this goal. The strongly Islamist ideological leanings and objectives of those who hold the reins of power in Bangladesh have alienated them from the people. An election delaying tactic The third myth relates to the raison d'etre of any interim government. Its mandate can only be to ensure that free, fair and inclusive elections are organised within the specified 90-day period, with the participation of all registered political parties. An interim regime is not authorised to take any major decisions, especially those with constitutional significance or implications. Such decisions can be taken only by an elected parliament. Instead of preparing for elections, the Yunus-led interim regime has initiated a reform process, insisting that this must be completed before the elections. It has set up reform commissions for the Constitution, for electoral reforms, and for police reforms, among others. The JeI is the key protagonist of these reforms, which it hopes will boost its vote share far above the meagre 5% to 10% it has been receiving. This so-called reform process is merely an excuse to delay the elections, a step strongly opposed by the Army and by major political parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party which are insisting that elections be held by December 2025. This issue is now rapidly coming to a head, and election dates may be announced very soon. Led by the JeI, the interim regime is unleashing unspeakable violence on the people. Prime targets are the non-Muslim minorities (Hindus, Christians, Buddhists) as well as Muslim religious minorities (Sufis and Ahmadiyyas). Equally vicious has been the violence unleashed against Awami League members and their supporters. Every statue, every building, every institution associated with the Liberation War of 1971 has been destroyed. Over the months, as this violence has continued unabated, with varying degrees of ferocity, a huge backlash has built up among the people. Awami Leaguers have been jailed in large numbers or just brutally slaughtered. In May 2025, all Awami League activities were banned. While Sheikh Hasina is being tried on charges of ordering attacks on students (during the unrest of July-August 2024), there is deliberate amnesia about the burning and looting (by the mobs) of 400 police thanas across Bangladesh, followed by the killing of policemen in the hundreds, even thousands, using these looted weapons. The decision by the interim regime to indemnify itself and all 'the students and people who actively took part in the mass uprising of July-August' against harassment or arrest has been sharply criticised within and outside Bangladesh. A party, its disconnect The 'students' party, the National Citizen Party (NCP), formed in February 2025, is dubbed the King's Party, owing direct allegiance to Mr. Yunus. So far, the party has no legal status since it is not registered with the Election Commission. At first it included erstwhile members or sympathisers of the Islami Chhatra Shibir (students' wing of the JeI) and claims 'it was established to fight for the rights of the student community'. Yet, it has little or no following among university students. On July 16, 2025, NCP leaders held a rally in Gopalgunj, the hometown of the Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with the reported intention of desecrating his mausoleum in Tungipara. The NCP was strongly resisted by the local people, staunch supporters of the Awami League. The Bangladesh Army is said to have supported the NCP by firing on unarmed civilians, resulting in the loss of several lives. The Gopalgunj incident has caused a furore, with dissatisfaction against the NCP and the Interim regime reaching new highs. A complaint has now been filed with the United Nations, describing this as a genocidal attack on the people of Bangladesh. Important institutions of state such as the judiciary, the central bank and even the media have been compromised. In August 2024, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Governor of the Bangladesh Bank were surrounded by mobs and forced to resign. This pattern of mobocracy soon became the norm. Strict media control has been ensured by peremptorily taking over media houses. Journalists have been imprisoned since the early days of the interim regime, many on charges of murder. Many have lost their jobs, and face penury. This massive clampdown on an otherwise vibrant and comparatively free media has allowed the interim regime to peddle its own version of events to the global media. Economic distress, a patient India However, it is difficult to hide the overwhelming economic distress being faced by the people. Growth rates have halved from the robust 6% and more per annum, that was the norm under Sheikh Hasina. Factories have shut down due to poor supply chain management, resulting in joblessness and hyper-inflation. In July 2025, Bangladesh Bank highlighted continuing macroeconomic challenges due to 'persistent inflation, uncertainties associated with the forthcoming elections, slowing economic growth and stagnant private investment'. The economic distress is, in many ways, the direct result of the foreign policy goals set by the Yunus regime. As can be expected, the JeI is not averse to the moniker, 'client state of Pakistan', that is increasingly used for Bangladesh. The events of July-August 2024 were preceded and accompanied by vicious anti-India propaganda. Harsh criticism of Sheikh Hasina as a 'fascist dictator' was invariably followed by blaming India for the state of affairs in Bangladesh. The mutually beneficial trade and economic partnership between these two neighbouring countries was criticised as being one-sided and unfair. One year of this unrelenting barrage has now boomeranged on the Yunus regime. Public opinion has turned against it because, except for words, it has provided no succour to the people of Bangladesh. Across the nation, the shared refrain openly describes the 'earlier times' as 'being better', including the benefits to Bangladesh of their strong economic, trade and investment links with India. India has shown a lot of patience in dealing with the interim regime. In August 2024, India had conveyed its willingness to continue with and build upon its links with Bangladesh. In April 2025, during the bilateral meeting with Mr. Yunus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated India's support for a democratic, stable, peaceful, progressive and inclusive Bangladesh, enunciating India's people-centric approach to the relationship. Unfortunately, the hand of friendship was rebuffed. Now, a new grouping of China, Pakistan and Bangladesh is sought to be created. Bangladesh must have early free, fair and inclusive elections under a new caretaker government. India is confident that the new elected government, one that truly reflects the wishes of the people of Bangladesh, will work to re-establish a cordial and mutually beneficial relationship with India. Veena Sikri is a former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh
India Today
4 hours ago
- India Today
Did Muhammad Yunus doom Bangladesh's democratic future?
One year ago, the skies over Dhaka blazed not with celebration, but with fire. In the days leading up to 5 August 2024, Bangladesh was in open revolt. As Sheikh Hasina fled the country by helicopter - driven out by an overwhelming wave of student-led protests and a nation wearied by authoritarianism — it appeared, for a fleeting moment, that genuine change had arrived. The streets erupted in Democracy, it seemed, was within reach. Yet twelve months on, hope has given way to uncertainty. Violent communal unrest, deepening youth unemployment, a resurgent Islamist movement, and an overstretched interim government have together stalled Bangladesh's revolution in a dangerous state of limbo. A Revolution Without DirectionThe uprising that shook the country was never just about quotas for government jobs. It was about years of pent-up frustration - a sidelined youth, silenced dissent, and an economy that benefited only the privileged few. The civil service quota reform protests were merely the spark. The explosion was long than half of civil service roles were reserved for groups including women, families of war veterans, and the disabled. But beneath the figures lay a deeper discontent: the widespread belief that Bangladesh's meritocracy had been dismantled - and that in Hasina's Bangladesh, hard work held no costs were catastrophic. According to the United Nations, over 1,400 people lost their lives in the July–August 2024 uprising. Streets became warzones. Police stations were set ablaze. Students were gunned down. Entire neighbourhoods were reduced to rubble. This wasn't merely a protest — it was a that void stepped Muhammad Yunus - Nobel laureate, microfinance pioneer, and the reluctant head of an interim regime. Backed by elements within the military and opposition leaders, Yunus promised a national reset: eleven reform commissions, national unity, and a pathway to Meets ParalysisYet democracy requires more than ousting the old guard — it demands the creation of something new. And there, Bangladesh continues to flounder. The student movement that dismantled Hasina's regime now finds itself sidelined. Political parties that were expected to usher in a new chapter - including the BNP - remain gridlocked over election timing. The interim government insists on April; the BNP demands February. There is no consensus. No roadmap. Just the economy is disintegrating. The youth who marched in the streets — the unemployed, the desperate, the hopeful - remain suspended in limbo. Today, around 30% of Bangladeshi youth are neither in employment nor education or training. Among women, unemployment sits at 23%, with even higher figures in rural regions, where farms struggle and factories economic backbone — its garment industry - is haemorrhaging. The Beximco Group, one of the nation's largest conglomerates, has shut down over a dozen factories, resulting in over 40,000 job losses. Business leaders linked to the previous regime have either been imprisoned or fled. Trade unions have warned of systemic collapse. No relief has make matters worse, the global stage has turned hostile. Late last year, the United States imposed a crippling 35% tariff on Bangladeshi garment exports. More recently, another 20% tariff was introduced — and foreign aid has dried up. Over 20,000 development workers have lost their jobs. Foreign investors are summits and training schemes, the interim government has failed to restore economic confidence. Private investment has dipped from 24% to 22.5% of GDP. Hope is evaporating - and so is forward Deferred, Divisions DeepenedNowhere is the collapse more keenly felt than among the young students and workers who risked everything a year ago. They marched for dignity, fairness, and a better future. Today, many are unemployed, unheard, and increasingly unsure of why they fought at the failures of the transition are not just economic - they are moral. In the vacuum left behind by Hasina's fall, a new threat has emerged: Islamist like Jamaat-e-Islami, long banned from public life, are now staging enormous rallies. Their rhetoric is louder, more militant, and more visible than at any point in the past decade. And they are not merely shouting. They are acting - within communities, in the streets, and through rising acts of Hasina's departure, there has been an alarming spike in anti-Hindu violence. Over 1,000 incidents were reported within weeks of the collapse. Mobs looted homes, burned down businesses, and desecrated more than 150 temples. Twenty-three Hindus were killed. Thousands have been displaced.A State Retreating From Its PeopleThe state has largely remained silent. Police presence was minimal. Arrests were scarce. Justice - even scarcer. While the interim government acknowledges 88 major communal incidents between August and October 2024, human rights organisations estimate the real figure is significantly attacks have largely been traced to radical Islamist groups emboldened by the power vacuum. With the secular Awami League gone, Bangladesh's minorities - especially Hindus - now find themselves it's not only Hindus. Sufi shrines have been desecrated. Secular bloggers hounded. Women's rights groups threatened. Bangladesh's already delicate pluralism is being ripped apart by a surge of majoritarianism and populist religious warn that any future government — whether the BNP, a student-led coalition, or another alliance - may be forced to pander to these Islamist forces. That would likely mean rolling back reforms, watering down human rights protections, and suffocating dissent even repeated denials from the interim government, on-the-ground reports suggest radical clerics now hold more influence in many villages than state officials. In some areas, they are reportedly intimidating voters, silencing opposition voices, and usurping state authority is not a democracy in progress - it is a democracy in Are the Reformers Now?With the Awami League dismantled and the machinery of the state in chaos, minority communities are leaving. Some flee to India. Others disappear into Dhaka's sprawling slums. The homes, businesses, and temples they leave behind are often the original student revolutionaries are splintering. Some have entered politics, demanding a new constitution before elections are held. Their platform calls for secularism, equal rights, and meaningful reform. They refuse to participate in elections without these is a bold position - but one rooted in reality. The system that collapsed with Hasina's exit was broken long before her helicopter lifted off. Cosmetic changes will not suffice.A Nation at the EdgeSo where does Bangladesh go from here? The options are few and fraught. Rush elections — and risk violence, low turnout, or a chaotic mandate. Delay them — and invite accusations of dictatorship and interim government must walk a tightrope. It cannot appease all factions, but it must restore legitimacy before collapse becomes that brings us back to the core question: was it worth it?The revolution brought down a powerful regime. It was born of hope — for justice, dignity, and democracy. But in the aftermath has come only disorder: broken promises, rising extremism, economic are not judged by what they destroy — but by what they create. One year after Bangladesh sought to reset its future, that reset remains unfinished. The ideals of equality, tolerance, and opportunity are still out of as the promise remains unfulfilled, the next generation — the ones who risked everything - may lose faith. The story of Bangladesh is not over. But it stands at a critical juncture. The decisions taken in the months ahead — about elections, reforms, and justice — will determine whether this remains a nation in transition, or devolves into protesters climbed the palace roof last August, they didn't just bring down a ruler. They raised the bar of expectation. If those expectations collapse - the next fall may be far more dangerous.- EndsTune InTrending Reel
NDTV
6 hours ago
- NDTV
" Ek Chutki Sindoor...": Rekha Gupta's "Filmy" Swipe At Jaya Bachchan
New Delhi: The opening day of the Delhi Assembly's Monsoon Session saw sharp political exchanges as Chief Minister Rekha Gupta launched a scathing attack on the Opposition, accusing it of historical negligence on national security and questioning its stance on recent military operations, including Operation Sindoor and Operation Mahadev. "This wasn't just a military operation, it was about honouring our martyrs," Ms Gupta said during a debate on the Centre's recent actions. She was responding to the Opposition's remarks over the naming of Operation Sindoor, particularly remarks made in Parliament by Samajwadi Party MP Jaya Bachchan. "She asked why the operation was named Sindoor. I will answer her with a filmy dialogue - "' Ek chutki Sindoor ki kimat tum kya jano? ' (You don't know the value of a pinch of vermilion)." Ms Bachchan had questioned why India's retaliatory action post-Pahalgam attack was named "Operation Sindoor", when women were widowed in the incident and actually "lost their sindoor". The Chief Minister levelled a series of questions at the Opposition, referencing decisions made by previous governments during major national security events. "When Pakistan occupied Kashmir, why didn't they take responsibility? Why didn't they take responsibility for Partition? For the war with China? Why was the 1965 war halted and taken to the UN? In 1971, 93,000 Pakistani soldiers were captured- why were they released unconditionally? Why was the Shimla Agreement signed? Why didn't they own up to the 1984 anti-Sikh riots or the stone-pelting in Kashmir?" she asked. Hitting out at the Congress-led INDIA bloc, Ms Gupta said, "These leaders have formed a team, but when they speak, it's hard to tell whether they represent India, Pakistan, or America". "The so-called 'national sister' talks about taking credit. But their actions speak otherwise." She further alleged that the Opposition has shown alignment with disruptive forces: "They don't love India, they trust anti-national forces." Assembly Disruption: AAP MLA Marshalled Out Earlier, the house witnessed chaos when AAP MLA Sanjeev Jha attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi over Operation Sindoor. Speaker Vijender Gupta immediately intervened, objecting to his choice of words, directing that they would not remain on record. He also ordered the marshal to "escort him out". The Speaker later confirmed the remarks had been expunged from the Assembly proceedings. Mr Jha's comments came during his speech on national security, triggering protests from BJP MLAs and warnings from the Chair. The MLA was escorted out of the House following repeated refusals to withdraw his statement. Leadership, Legacy, and a Divided House Chief Minister Rekha Gupta ended her address by defending the government's record on national security and countering criticism from the opposition. "In 2016, during the surgical strikes, they demanded proof, and we gave it. We brought back Abhinandan (Varthaman). The opposition will always find something to criticise," she said. "This is not the India of pre-2014. Whenever storms threatened the nation, (PM) Modi stood like a shield. He is not just a leader, he is a symbol of light," Ms Gupta told the House. The day concluded with the Assembly deeply polarised, one side questioning the legacy of past governments, the other challenging the narrative around recent military operations.
