
Lebanese Forces: Cabinet decision sets Lebanon on path to statehood
In a statement, the party added that the government's decision should have been implemented 21 years ago, had U.N. Resolution 1559—based on the Taif Agreement—not been reversed. The resolution explicitly called for 'the disbanding and disarmament of all Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias.'
It further noted that the government's move to task the army with ending illegal arms should have been in force 19 years ago, were it not for the reversal of U.N. Resolution 1701, which explicitly affirmed 'the importance of extending the authority of the Lebanese government over all Lebanese territory in accordance with Resolutions 1559 (2004) and 1680 (2006), and the relevant provisions of the Taif Agreement, and exercising full sovereignty, such that there are no weapons without the consent of the Lebanese government and no authority other than that of the Lebanese government.'
The statement added that the Cabinet's decision should also have been enforced eight months ago, were it not for the reversal of the ceasefire agreement, which clearly stated the disarmament of all armed groups in Lebanon, so that the only forces permitted to bear arms would be the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), Internal Security Forces, General Security, State Security, Lebanese Customs, and municipal police.
It continued: 'After all these reversals of foundational texts—starting with the Taif Accord, through international resolutions, and up to the ceasefire agreement, the presidential oath, and the ministerial statement—the faction responsible for these reversals should have apologized to the Lebanese people for what it has committed against them and the country over the past 35 years. Instead, it brazenly attacked President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, as if the President were responsible for the 2006 war, the May 7, 2008 clashes, the war on the Syrian people, or the 'support war' and its disastrous consequences on Lebanon. And as if the Prime Minister were the one who paralyzed political life, delayed government formation, and led the country to financial and economic collapse because of his wars and alliances with the most corrupt.'
The statement argued that after all the death, destruction, disasters, and displacement caused by the 'resistance axis,' after its allies abandoned it, and after it failed to secure their interests, and with the overwhelming majority of the Lebanese people now committed to the path of a real state, that axis should have reviewed its actions and the damage it caused to the nation, the people, and its own environment. 'Instead,' it said, 'it poured its anger on the President for adhering to his oath of office and on the Prime Minister for sticking to the ministerial statement.'
The media office concluded that the August 5 Cabinet session put Lebanon back on the path toward becoming a real and functional state, and that the first step in that process is adhering to the foundational texts—exactly what the President and Prime Minister have done.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


L'Orient-Le Jour
9 hours ago
- L'Orient-Le Jour
Iran backs Hezbollah's decisions on disarmament, says foreign minister
TEHRAN — Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Wednesday that Iran supports Hezbollah, its Lebanese ally, in its decisions, after the group rejected Cabinet's plan to disarm it, AFP reports. "Any decision on this matter will ultimately rest with Hezbollah itself. We support it from afar, but we do not intervene in its decisions," Araghchi said in a television interview, adding that the group has "rebuilt itself" following setbacks during its war with Israel last year.


LBCI
9 hours ago
- LBCI
Hezbollah's arsenal through the years: A historical overview of its rise and impact
Report by Nada Andraos, English adaptation by Mariella Succar Since its founding in 1982, Hezbollah's arsenal has evolved from basic tools of local resistance into a fully integrated military system, now considered a key component of regional deterrence dynamics. This transformation was not just a result of technical battlefield advances but stemmed from sustained external support—first from Iran, then Syria—in weapons, training, and supply routes that ran from Iran to Lebanon via Syria. The development of Hezbollah's arsenal occurred in six phases: Phase One began during the organization's formation, with direct Iranian military assistance. Iran capitalized on the political and security vacuum created by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, deploying its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps via Syria into the Bekaa Valley. There, members of what became known as "The Faithful Amal"—a group that split from the Amal Movement—underwent training in guerrilla warfare, ambush tactics, and the use of improvised explosive devices against the Israeli army, which was occupying large swaths of southern Lebanon. Iran began supplying Hezbollah with light and medium-range weapons. Phase Two spanned from 1990 to 2000. Following the Taif Agreement, Hezbollah's weapons remained the only arms outside state control, justified under the banner of resisting occupation. During this period, regional supply lines were expanded, providing the group with Katyusha rockets and anti-armor guided munitions. With Syria overseeing Lebanese political affairs at the time, Hezbollah assumed responsibility for security and military resistance. In 1996, Hezbollah's confrontation with Israel during 'Operation Grapes of Wrath' marked the first time its rockets were used as part of a deterrent strategy. The Israeli army's full withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000 further solidified the group's legitimacy as a resistance force in the eyes of many Lebanese, instead of prompting disarmament. Phase Three, from 2000 to 2006, saw a qualitative leap in Hezbollah's arsenal, culminating in the July 2006 war with Israel. The group used medium-range Fajr-3 and Fajr-5 rockets with ranges of 45 to 75 kilometers, along with Russian-made Kornet anti-tank missiles, which proved decisive in battle. Hezbollah also employed naval missiles to hit the Israeli Sa'ar warship and introduced tunnel networks and ground communication systems. Phase Four, from 2006 to 2012, reflected Hezbollah's shift toward strategic regional weaponry. Long-range missiles like Zelzal and Fateh-110, and even Scud missiles, reportedly entered the group's arsenal. Hezbollah also unveiled reconnaissance drones, such as the 'Mirsad.' Phase Five, from 2013 to 2020, coincided with Hezbollah's military involvement in Syria. Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, aware of the implications of Bashar al-Assad's potential fall, intensified efforts to preserve the group's advanced weapon supply routes. This period further expanded Hezbollah's battlefield experience and access to strategic weapons. Phase Six, from 2020 until just before the September 24 war, marked the height of Hezbollah's stockpiling. Reports during this period estimated its arsenal at over 150,000 missiles, including precision-guided munitions and drones capable of penetrating air defense systems. All of this weaponry was sourced from Iran and transported through Syria to Lebanon. However, in the most recent conflict, this arsenal proved insufficient against Israel's advanced technological capabilities, particularly its AI-driven warfare systems. This has raised questions: What remains of Hezbollah's rocket and aerial capabilities? Have they fulfilled their strategic purpose? Is it time to transition this arsenal toward the service of state-building?


LBCI
9 hours ago
- LBCI
Netanyahu pushes Gaza occupation plan amid mounting risks and potential military unrest
Report by Amal Shehadeh, English adaptation by Mariella Succar Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has referred the decision to fully occupy the Gaza Strip back to the security cabinet for final approval on Thursday. Ignoring warnings about the severe risks, not only to the approximately 20 Israeli hostages still alive in Gaza but also regarding the military and financial consequences for Israel's management of Gaza, Netanyahu pressed ahead. A former Shin Bet spokesperson noted that details Netanyahu appears to be disregarding in Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir's plan suggest it could compel Hamas to yield. The plan calls for the Israeli army to impose a siege on Gaza City, Deir al-Balah, central refugee camps, and al-Mawasi where Hamas holds control. It also involves limited, targeted attacks by a small number of troops, minimizing risks to both the army and the hostages. Security officials accuse Netanyahu of gambling with Israel's fate and that of the hostages, while some warn of potential exploitation of U.S. President Donald Trump's stance of non-intervention in the Gaza occupation decision. There are growing fears that if Zamir's plan is executed, he may resign, which would represent a major blow to Tel Aviv. Analysts predict it could trigger deep unrest within the Israeli military, alongside widespread public opposition reminiscent of the "Four Mothers movement" protests, which led to Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000.