Latest news with #UNResolution1701
Kuwait News Agency
3 days ago
- Politics
- Kuwait News Agency
Lebanese Army: Six troops killed in blast while defusing ammunition
BEIRUT, Aug 9 (KUNA) -- Six Lebanese Army troops died and a number of others suffered injuries while defusing ammunition in southern Lebanon on Saturday, the military said in a statement. The statement said the deadly incident happened when the troops were searching an arms depot and defusing stored military ordnance in Wadi Zibqin, indicating that the casualty figure was preliminary. The injured were whisked to hospitals and the military began investigations into circumstances of the deadly accident. Earlier, the official National News Agency said the troops were examining and defusing shells left behind by the Israeli occupation forces near the town of Majdal Zoun, in the Tyre region. President Joseph Aoun, a former army commander, expressed distress for the death of the military personnel, addressed condolences to the army and the victims' next of kin. Prime Minister Nawaf, on his X account, expressed identical sorrow to the army and the victims' families. Elsewhere, one person died in an Israeli occupation air strike on a car in Ainata town near Bint Jbeil in southern Lebanon, the ministry of health said in a statement. The Israeli occupation forces have been breaching a November cease-fire on daily basis. They have been holding a number of points inside the Lebanese territories in violation of the UN Resolution 1701. The fatal accident involving the army forces came after the Lebanese government endorsed plans to collect arms throughout the national territories to re-assert the State authorities. (end)
Shafaq News
4 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Why Iraq's PMF disarmament is a different battle from Lebanon's Hezbollah
Shafaq News The Lebanese government's decision to restrict all weapons to state control—including those held by Hezbollah and other non-official armed groups—has sparked strong internal and regional debate. The United States welcomed the move, but Hezbollah condemned it as a major 'sin,' warning against what it sees as an externally driven agenda. Although the mechanism for implementation remains unclear, the announcement has reignited conversation in Iraq, where similar calls persist to disarm 'non-state actors' and dissolve armed factions outside the official military framework. Yet experts caution that Lebanon's path is not easily replicated in Iraq. Hezbollah Disarmament: A Divisive Turning Point The Lebanese decision marks an unprecedented step in the country's political history, following the endorsement of provisions outlined in US envoy Tom Barrack's proposal. Supporters view it as an extension of the ceasefire agreement and UN Resolution 1701. Critics, led by Hezbollah and its allies, denounce it as 'submission to American and Israeli conditions.' Hezbollah maintains it has fulfilled its commitments under Resolution 1701 and the November 2024 ceasefire, including withdrawing from areas south of the Litani River, while accusing Israel of failing to withdraw from five border points and continuing daily assassinations of civilians and its members. The presidency and the prime minister's office prioritize disarmament, but Hezbollah and its allies insist that Israel must first vacate Lebanese territory and release prisoners before any internal dialogue on a national defense strategy can begin. This deadlock shows no sign of resolution, prompting the Lebanese Army to deploy reinforcements nationwide to contain potential unrest. Political analyst Mohammad Hamieh told Shafaq News the army itself has not agreed to disarm Hezbollah. The cabinet, he explained, discussed the US proposal without full consensus—especially after the withdrawal of a major Shiite bloc representing the resistance movement, which disrupted quorum. Instead of full ratification, the cabinet set general goals and tasked the army with preparing a plan by August 31 to consolidate weapons under state control. Despite this looming deadline, Hezbollah remain defiant. 'Death is easier than surrendering our arms,' declared Mohamad Raad, head of the group's parliamentary bloc. Formed in 1982 after Israel's invasion, Hezbollah rose as a resistance force, achieving the withdrawal of Israeli forces in 2000 and later fighting the 2006 war—framed by party officials as a 'divine victory.' Since the Taif Agreement, successive governments have affirmed Lebanon's 'right—through its people, army, and resistance—to liberate occupied territory.' That consensus has eroded, especially after Hezbollah's recent military losses against Israel. Observers say the current political climate echoes the divisions preceding the 1982 invasion and the collapse of the US-brokered May 17, 1983 Accord. Hezbollah remains popular and influential, securing the highest number of parliamentary votes in the last election. Yet the scale of its arsenal post-war remains unclear. The group's role in the 'unity of fronts' doctrine, coordinating with Iran's allies during the conflict, keeps it central to regional strategy. Lebanon's Debate, Iraq's Question Hamieh warned against generalizing Lebanon's still-unresolved situation to the wider region. International pressure, he said, seeks to replicate the Lebanese model in Iraq and Syria despite key differences. In Iraq, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) operate under a formal government framework. 'There is a clear agreement between the government and the PMF, which played a successful role in combating terrorism,' Hamieh explained. 'Lebanon, by contrast, has no such formal agreement—just political coexistence.' Unlike Lebanon, Iraq faces no Israeli occupation, and disarmament discussions focus more on potential threats from Syria—matters that could be addressed under a state-approved defense strategy. Could it Happen in Iraq? Iraqi security and legal experts agree that Iraq's complex political environment and entrenched regional ties make a Lebanese-style disarmament move unlikely for now. Legal expert Mohammad Jumaa noted that Iraqi law, including the Weapons Law and Penal Code, criminalizes the possession or use of arms outside state authority. 'Any weapon outside the state's structure is illegal,' he told Shafaq News, 'whether licensed without official permission, or entirely unlicensed.' Penalties are harsher for military-grade arms. Strategic analyst Ahmad al-Sharifi argued that dismantling armed factions in Iraq is blocked by entrenched power-sharing and the dominance of the Shiite Coordination Framework, which backs the current government. 'The government, as a product of that framework, cannot make decisions that run counter to its interests or Iran's preferences,' he said. In Lebanon, al-Sharifi stressed it is too soon to judge the outcome, given Hezbollah's resistance and the possibility of armed confrontation with the Lebanese Army. He added that Iraqi factions—like Hezbollah—view their weapons as central to their political and ideological identity, making voluntary disarmament unrealistic. Forced dissolution, he warned, could trigger direct clashes with the state or external intervention, including targeted strikes by the United States or Israel if the government fails to impose control. Not Applicable—For Now Security expert Alaa al-Nashou concurred that Iraq's situation is fundamentally different. Iraqi factions never fought Israel and lack the robust military and economic infrastructure that Hezbollah has developed. Iraq's party system is also more fragmented, with parts of the state openly supporting armed factions and in some cases preferring them to the official army. He attributed the state's weakness to 'deep Iranian influence in its institutions and the absence of strong regional or international backing,' which limits Baghdad's ability to curb non-state arms. While Lebanon's disarmament plan is bold in its own context, analysts agree it is unworkable in Iraq for the time being. Obstacles go beyond legal prohibitions to include political realities, security dependencies, and the institutional integration of factions into the state's power structure. Without a fundamental shift in political will and regional alignments, the Lebanese precedent is unlikely to cross into Iraq.
LBCI
6 days ago
- Politics
- LBCI
Tom Barrack's roadmap seeks to end Hezbollah armament, restore Lebanese state control—the details
Report by Joe Farchakh, English adaptation by Mariella Succar A new proposal drafted by U.S. Special Envoy to Syria Tom Barrack calls on the Lebanese state to fully commit to the Taif Agreement, the Constitution, and United Nations Security Council resolutions—particularly U.N. Resolution 1701—as the only legitimate framework granting the state exclusive authority to possess weapons and make decisions related to war and peace. The document presents a 120-day disarmament plan divided into four consecutive phases. In the first phase, spanning the initial 15 days, all military operations by both Israel and Hezbollah would cease immediately. During this time, the Lebanese Cabinet would formally adopt the disarmament plan, with an explicit commitment to conclude the process by December 31, 2025. Simultaneously, meetings of the 'mechanism' would resume with the participation of Lebanon, Israel, France, and the United Nations under U.S. sponsorship. The Lebanese Army would be deployed at 15 border points south of the Litani River. Indirect, internationally mediated negotiations would begin to address unresolved issues such as land border demarcation and the release of prisoners. The second phase, covering days 15 to 60, would see the practical implementation of the disarmament plan. Supporting countries would announce their intention to hold an economic conference in fall 2025 to support Lebanon's economic recovery and reconstruction. A comprehensive plan to expand the Lebanese Army's deployment—with U.S. technical assistance—would be initiated and later extended to the Bekaa region. Hezbollah would begin to transfer its heavy weaponry to the Lebanese Army under international supervision, while Israeli forces would gradually withdraw from five designated positions. Displaced residents would start returning to their villages along the border. In the third phase, from days 60 to 90, South Lebanon would be officially declared free of all unauthorized armed groups. Israel would complete its withdrawal from the final two positions. The Lebanese Army would expand its deployment to northern Bekaa, and demining operations and damage assessments would begin in preparation for reconstruction. The final phase, spanning days 90 to 120, would include the dismantling of Hezbollah's remaining military infrastructure and heavy weaponry. Israel would announce its full and final withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. The Lebanese Army would take over airspace security and monitoring responsibilities. An international economic conference would be held during this period, alongside final border demarcation negotiations with both Israel and Syria. The proposal also calls for a strict monitoring mechanism that includes weekly reports, aerial surveillance through satellites and drones, public reporting by the Lebanese Army and Internal Security Forces, and punitive measures against any party that violates the agreement. These measures could include suspension of aid, economic sanctions, or a review of military coordination. In addition to these conditions, the proposal offers a number of incentives. These include continued U.S. military assistance to the Lebanese Army at $150 million annually; the creation of a $1 billion annual fund over 10 years to support the army and internal security forces; support for private investment and reconstruction; U.S. and French security guarantees for both Lebanon and Israel; and economic incentives for Syria in exchange for cooperation on border demarcation. Barrack's proposal represents more than a roadmap. It is a test for Lebanon's official institutions and a measure of the international community's ability to enforce stability in the country's troubled south, and in a nation where sovereign decision-making has yet to be fully restored.
LBCI
6 days ago
- Politics
- LBCI
Lebanese Forces: Cabinet decision sets Lebanon on path to statehood
The media office of the Lebanese Forces party said that the 'historic' decision taken by the Cabinet yesterday should have been made 35 years ago, were it not for the reversal of the Taif Accord, which explicitly called for 'the extension of the Lebanese state's authority over all Lebanese territory through its own forces.' In a statement, the party added that the government's decision should have been implemented 21 years ago, had U.N. Resolution 1559—based on the Taif Agreement—not been reversed. The resolution explicitly called for 'the disbanding and disarmament of all Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias.' It further noted that the government's move to task the army with ending illegal arms should have been in force 19 years ago, were it not for the reversal of U.N. Resolution 1701, which explicitly affirmed 'the importance of extending the authority of the Lebanese government over all Lebanese territory in accordance with Resolutions 1559 (2004) and 1680 (2006), and the relevant provisions of the Taif Agreement, and exercising full sovereignty, such that there are no weapons without the consent of the Lebanese government and no authority other than that of the Lebanese government.' The statement added that the Cabinet's decision should also have been enforced eight months ago, were it not for the reversal of the ceasefire agreement, which clearly stated the disarmament of all armed groups in Lebanon, so that the only forces permitted to bear arms would be the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), Internal Security Forces, General Security, State Security, Lebanese Customs, and municipal police. It continued: 'After all these reversals of foundational texts—starting with the Taif Accord, through international resolutions, and up to the ceasefire agreement, the presidential oath, and the ministerial statement—the faction responsible for these reversals should have apologized to the Lebanese people for what it has committed against them and the country over the past 35 years. Instead, it brazenly attacked President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, as if the President were responsible for the 2006 war, the May 7, 2008 clashes, the war on the Syrian people, or the 'support war' and its disastrous consequences on Lebanon. And as if the Prime Minister were the one who paralyzed political life, delayed government formation, and led the country to financial and economic collapse because of his wars and alliances with the most corrupt.' The statement argued that after all the death, destruction, disasters, and displacement caused by the 'resistance axis,' after its allies abandoned it, and after it failed to secure their interests, and with the overwhelming majority of the Lebanese people now committed to the path of a real state, that axis should have reviewed its actions and the damage it caused to the nation, the people, and its own environment. 'Instead,' it said, 'it poured its anger on the President for adhering to his oath of office and on the Prime Minister for sticking to the ministerial statement.' The media office concluded that the August 5 Cabinet session put Lebanon back on the path toward becoming a real and functional state, and that the first step in that process is adhering to the foundational texts—exactly what the President and Prime Minister have done.
Shafaq News
05-08-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Lebanon: Government seeks army plan for state arms monopoly
Shafaq News – Beirut Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam announced, on Tuesday, that the army has been instructed to develop a phased plan to place all weapons under state authority by the end of 2025. Following a cabinet meeting at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Salam confirmed that ministers will reconvene on August 9 to continue reviewing the US-backed policy document on arms control and broader security sector reform. He reaffirmed Lebanon's commitment to UN Resolution 1701 while asserting the nation's right to defend itself. The session ended after ministers from Hezbollah and the Amal Movement walked out in protest of the disarmament plan, according to Information Minister Paul Morcos. Washington has increased pressure on the Lebanese government to formally commit to disarming Hezbollah, warning that Israeli attacks could escalate further if no such pledge is made, according to Reuters. Earlier today, Hezbollah's Secretary-General Naim Qassem rejected what he described as unacceptable US demands to dismantle the group's arsenal, vowing not to accept any new agreement that seeks to disarm the party. In June, US envoy Tom Barrack reportedly presented Lebanese officials with a roadmap for Hezbollah's full disarmament, which includes a proposed cabinet resolution explicitly committing to that objective.
