
The Minnesota Suspect's Radical Spiritual World
With the suspect accused of killing Minnesota's Democratic house leader and her husband now in custody, investigators will have a long list of questions to ask about what the alleged shooter believes. The emerging biography of Vance Boelter suggests a partial answer, one that involves his contact with a charismatic Christian movement whose leaders speak of spiritual warfare, an army of God, and demon-possessed politicians, and which has already proved, during the January 6 insurrection, its ability to mobilize followers to act.
Reporting so far describes Boelter, the 57-year-old man now facing murder charges, as a married father of five who worked in the food industry for decades, managed a gas station in St. Paul and a 7-Eleven in Minneapolis, and recently began working for funeral-service companies as he struggled financially. At the same time, Boelter had an active, even grandiose, spiritual life long before he allegedly carried out what authorities describe as a 'political assassination' and texted his family afterward, 'Dad went to war last night.'
To some degree, the roots of Boelter's beliefs can be traced to a Bible college he attended in Dallas called Christ for the Nations Institute. A school official confirmed to me that Boelter graduated in 1990 with a diploma in practical theology.
Little known to outsiders, the college is a prominent training institution for charismatic Christians. It was co-founded in 1970 by a Pentecostal evangelist named James Gordon Lindsay, a disciple of the New Order of the Latter Rain, one of many revivalist movements that took hold around the country after World War II. Followers believed that an outpouring of the Holy Spirit was under way, raising up new apostles and prophets and a global End Times army to battle Satanic forces and establish God's kingdom on Earth. Although Pentecostal churches at the time rejected Latter Rain ideas as unscriptural, the concepts lived on at Christ for the Nations, which has become a hub for the modern incarnation of the movement, known as the New Apostolic Reformation. NAR ideas have spread far and wide through megachurches, global networks of apostles and prophets, and a media ecosystem of online ministries, books, and podcasts, becoming a grassroots engine of the Christian Right.
Many prominent NAR leaders have connections to the school. These include Dutch Sheets, a graduate who taught there around the time Boelter was a student, and who went on to become an influential apostle who used his YouTube platform to mobilize many of his hundreds of thousands of followers to the U.S. Capitol on January 6. More recently, Sheets suggested on his podcast that certain unnamed judges—'including Supreme Court justices,' he said—oppose God and 'disrespect your word and ways,' and he prayed for God to 'arise and scatter your enemies.' Cindy Jacobs, an influential prophet who is an adviser and frequent lecturer at the school, was also in D.C. on January 6, praying for rioters climbing the Capitol steps.
During his time at the school, Boelter would have been exposed to the beliefs that motivate these movement leaders. He would have been taught to see the world as a great spiritual battleground between God and Satan, and to consider himself a kind of spiritual warrior. He would have been told that actual demonic forces can take hold of culture, political leaders, and entire territories, and thwart God's kingdom. He would have been exposed to versions of courses currently offered, such as one that explains how 'the World is in an era of serious warfare' and how 'the body of Christ must remember that Jesus has already won this war.' He may have heard the founder's slogan that 'every Christian should pray at least one violent prayer a day.'
On Saturday, Christ for the Nations Institute issued a statement that read, in part, 'We are absolutely aghast and horrified that a CFNI alumnus is the suspect. This is not who we are,' and 'CFNI unequivocally rejects, denounces and condemns any and all forms of violence and extremism, be it politically, racially, religiously or otherwise motivated.' The school clarified that the slogan refers to the founder's belief that prayer should be 'intense, fervent, and passionate, not passive and lukewarm, considering that spiritual forces of darkness are focused on attacking life, identity in God, purpose, peace, love, joy, truth, health, and other good things.'
Precisely what Boelter absorbed or rejected from the school remains to be seen. On an archived website, Boelter claims that he was 'ordained' in 1993. Tax documents from 2008 to 2010 show him as president of something called Revoformation Ministries. He claimed to be writing a book called Original Ability, promising readers 'a different paradigm on the nature of man' and warning that it 'may change the way you see yourself, other people, and God.' Boelter claimed that before the September 11 terrorist attacks, he had gone to Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank to 'share the gospel' with militant Islamists.
In recent years, Boelter traveled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where videos show him delivering guest sermons at a large church, chastising Christians who don't fight abortion and homosexuality, and saying that 'God is going to raise up apostles and prophets in America' who will 'correct his church.' As law enforcement searched for the suspect across rural Minnesota on Saturday, a childhood friend of Boelter's told reporters that Boelter had texted him that he had 'made some choices.'
Minnesota authorities said that they'd found 'voluminous writings' in the suspect's vehicle and at his home, and that he'd kept a notebook that mentioned about 70 potential targets, including politicians, civic leaders, and Planned Parenthood centers. Boelter is now facing federal murder charges for the fatal shooting of State Representative Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark. State prosecutors have also charged Boelter with two counts of second-degree murder and two counts of attempted second-degree murder for allegedly shooting and wounding State Senator John A. Hoffman and his wife, Yvette. If Boelter's beliefs were a factor in the shootings, the question is not exactly what radicalized him, Frederick Clarkson, a senior analyst with Political Research Associates who has been tracking the NAR movement for years, told me: The worldview that Boelter appeared to embrace was radical, he said.
'Everyone brings faith to their life and the things they do—the question is, in what ways does your faith inform your actions and your decision making?' he told me. 'Without knowing exactly what motivated the shooter, we can say that being oriented into this kind of NAR thinking, to my mind, it's just a matter of time before an individual or group of individuals take some kind of action against the enemies of God and the demons in their midst.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

USA Today
22 minutes ago
- USA Today
Primary lessons: Trump rules, Dems are revved. NYC's melee is next.
Primary lessons: Trump rules, Dems are revved. NYC's melee is next. Off-year elections are the tea leaves of U.S. politics, and just as reliable. Still, here are clues from 2025 contests in Virginia and New Jersey. Show Caption Hide Caption Justice Department orders dismissal of New York mayor Adams case Acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove sent a memo telling the U.S. Attorney's office in Manhattan to dismiss the case against Adams. It's a long stretch to Election Days that matter more, but the season's handful of race offer some political clues. Trump commands the GOP while Democrats are still debating the party's direction. The mayor's race in New York shows how it's easier these days to stage a comeback after scandal. Off-year elections are the tea leaves of American politics, and just as reliable. With votes being counted in Virginia's June 17 primary, the competitors are set for the commonwealth's gubernatorial race: Former Democratic Rep. Abigail Spanberger will face Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. A week earlier, in New Jersey, Democratic Rep. Mikie Sherrill and Republican Jack Ciattarelli won their parties' nominations for the only other governorship on the ballot in November. It's a long stretch to Election Days that matter more − including next year's midterms when control of the House and the Senate at stake, not to mention the presidential race in 2028. But this season's handful of contests do provide early clues about the mood of the voters and the direction of the nation's politics. Some primary lessons learned so far: 1. Democrats are revved up. In Virginia, Democratic turnout was rising even without much of a reason to vote. That was true earlier this spring, when Democrats turned out in two special House elections in Florida, slashing in half the GOP's margin in solidly red districts. Spanberger was unopposed for the nomination in the marquee gubernatorial race, yet in the run up to the primary more than 196,500 people had cast early ballots as of June 16. That's nearly 60% more than those who voted during the comparable period four years ago, when the race was fierce. (The Democratic nominations for lieutenant governor and attorney general were contested this year.) No state has been more affected by President Donald Trump's efforts to cut the federal government than Virginia, home to more federal workers than any state except California. The firestorm over those firings creates a hurdle for Republicans. So does history. In 11 of the last 12 elections, the candidate who won the Virginia governorship was from the opposition party of the president who had been elected to the White House a year earlier. The purple-state contest is often seen as a way to send a message to the new president about how he's doing. In New York, turnout has also surged in the city's mayoral primary. More than 30,000 voters cast ballots on the first day of voting June 14, nearly double the number who went to the polls on the first day they could four years ago. The overwhelmingly Democratic city holds its primary on June 24. 2. Trump's hold on the GOP is unshaken. In New Jersey's primary on June 10, President Trump wasn't on the ballot, but he was on the minds of GOP voters. That posed a problem for Ciattarelli, viewed as a moderate Republican when he served in the state Assembly. Before his first bid for the gubernatorial nomination in 2017, he called Trump a "charlatan" who was unfit to be president. In his second bid in 2021, he kept his distance. Not this time. Ciattarelli went to Trump's golf course in Bedminster, New Jersey, to woo him, then bragged about it. "Tonight, my great honor and pleasure to share time with @POTUS," he posted on social media. with a photo. His courtship worked. "Jack, who after getting to know and understand MAGA, has gone ALL IN, and is now 100% (PLUS!), Trump said in his endorsement on Truth Social. "HE WILL NOT LET YOU DOWN." That embrace sealed his landslide in the state's GOP primary over conservative radio host Bill Spadea, who had earned Trump's ire by backing Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in last year's Republican presidential primary. Ciattarelli sailed to victory, winning 68% of the Republican vote. Spadea got 22%. State Senator Jon Bramnick, a moderate who had criticized Trump, claimed just 6%. Today's asset could be tomorrow's problem, of course. Trump lost the Democratic-leaning state to Kamala Harris in 2024 by 6 points, though that was considerably closer than his 16-point loss to Joe Biden in 2020. The morning after this month's primary, Ciattarelli was ready to pivot to appeal to independents and Democrats. "This race is all about New Jersey," he told NBC, though he acknowledged, "My opponent is going to want to talk about Donald Trump every day of the week." 3. Nobody has a hold on the Democratic Party. Don't look for that kind of coherence among Democrats. In New Jersey, the primary results showed a fractured party. Sherrill prevailed with 34% of the vote after a campaign that promised competence and spotlighted her resume as a Navy veteran and former federal prosecutor. But the two most progressive candidates in the primary, Newark Mayor Ras Baraka and Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, got a combined total of more votes, at 37%. And the two most moderate contenders, Rep. Josh Gottheimer and former state Senate president Stephen Sweeney, got a fair share, too, at a combined 19%. None of them were touting their ties to Harris or Biden or, for that matter, the national party in general. The debate nationwide over how to rebound from last year's electoral thumping isn't close to being settled yet. New York's mayor's race also illustrates the Democrats' divide, with a centrist frontrunner trying to fight back a leftist challenger. 4. NY, NY? It's a hell of a town. Start with this: New York's Democratic mayor is running for a second term, but not as a Democrat. Eric Adams is running as an independent after convincing the Trump Justice Department to drop federal charges of corruption. Now leading in the Democratic contest is Andrew Cuomo, who resigned as governor in 2021 amid allegations of sexual harassment. He denies the accusations and now says he shouldn't have left office. His top challenger is Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old democratic socialist, who if elected would be the first Muslim to serve as mayor of America's biggest city. He's been endorsed by two progressive icons, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. The messy melee that is New York politics − including an 11-candidate race and a ranked-choice voting system − may be so specific to the city that it provides few lessons for the rest of the country's politics. Except, perhaps, that during the Trump era it may be more possible to stage a comeback in politics after scandal, as evidenced by the campaigns of Cuomo and Adams. The definition of who can hold electoral office may also be expanding. Mamdani's election would break new ground. So will the race in Virginia, now poised to elect its first woman as governor.

29 minutes ago
With Minnesota assassin suspect in custody, questions about his plot remain unanswered
As investigators probe the extent of alleged political assassin Vance Boelter's plot targeting Minnesota lawmakers, authorities have yet to publicly answer several major questions about the suspect's weekend rampage. The 57-year-old Boelter, a married father who friends said was trying to start a security business, is accused of killing Rep. Melissa Hortman, D-Minn., and her husband, Mark, in their home early Saturday, after he allegedly shot Sen. John Hoffman, D-Minn., and his wife, Yvette, at their residence. Boelter was disguised as a police officer when he allegedly committed the shootings and was driving an unmarked black SUV that was fitted with emergency lights to make it appear to be a law enforcement vehicle, officials said. Police said the suspect also went to the homes of two other Minnesota lawmakers before dawn on Saturday, but one was not home and he was apparently scared off by law enforcement who showed up at the home of the second politician while he was at the scene. What was the motive? "As for why, it remains unclear," Minnesota U.S. Attorney Joseph Thompson said at a news conference on Monday when asked about a possible motive. Police officers were sent to Hortman's home to conduct a welfare check after hearing of the shooting at Sen. Hoffman's home, officials said. The officers arrived at Hortman's home about 3:30 a.m. on Saturday and spotted the suspect just feet from the front door and his vehicle parked in the driveway. Thompson said that as the officers approached the home, Boelter, who was dressed as a police officer and wearing a hyper-realistic mask, opened fire. Drew Evans, superintendent of the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension, said it remains under investigation whether Boelter fired at the officers or was shooting into the door of Hortman's home. When officers opened fire, the suspect entered the home, fatally shooting Hortman and her husband, Mark, Thompson said. After allegedly gunning down Rep. Hortman and her husband, Boelter fled out the back door of the house, Thompson said. Police found the suspect's 9mm Beretta, body armor and mask ditched behind Hortman's home. In Boelter's vehicle left in the driveway with its emergency lights flashing, police discovered five more firearms, including assault-style rifles and a large quantity of ammunition, Thompson said. Also in the car was a notebook containing the names and addresses of more than 45 Minnesota state and federal elected officials, including information on Hortman. Information on elected leaders from other states and abortion-rights supporters was also found in the notebook, as well as detailed notes from surveillance excursions the suspect allegedly conducted on potential targets, Thompson said. "I've seen nothing like a Unabomber-style manifesto in his writing," said Thompson, referring to Theodore Kaczynski, who was arrested in 1996 and laid out his nearly 20-year bombing campaign in 40,000 pages of documents that expressed his hatred of modern technology and industrial society. While Boelter allegedly filled many notebooks with plans and notes on the surveillance he conducted on potential targets, Thompson said, "I have not seen anything involving some sort of screed or manifesto that would clearly identify what motivated him." "Obviously, his primary motive was to go out and murder people," Thompson said. "Now they were all elected officials. They were all Democrats. Beyond that, I think it's just way too speculative for anyone that's reviewed these materials to know and to say what was motivating him in terms of ideology or specific issues." How long was the plot planned? It appears that Boelter had allegedly planned his attacks over an extensive period of time, Thompson said. But how much time went into planning the attacks remains unknown. "The writings appear to have been done at various times over the course of at least months, I would say. But beyond that, it's speculative," Thompson said. Why hasn't a terrorism charge been filed against Boelter? A federal complaint filed on Monday against Boelter charged him with stalking and murdering Rep. Hortman and her husband and stalking and shooting Sen. Hoffman and his wife. A state complaint filed against Boelter charged him with two counts of second-degree murder and two counts of attempted murder. But prosecutors have not charged Boelter with terrorism, which is defined under federal law as an offense "that is calculated to influence or affect the conduct of government by intimidation or coercion, or to retaliate against government conduct." "We brought the charges that we think are appropriate right now," Thompson said. Thompson added that terrorism charges against Boelter have not been ruled out. "I can't comment as to what other charges may or may not be brought," Thompson said. He added that if Boelter is convicted of the current federal charges filed against him, he could be sentenced to death. But Thompson said a decision has not yet been made to pursue the death penalty. Did the suspect have help? Investigators are continuing to probe whether anyone helped Boelter allegedly plan and carry out Saturday's shootings, and if anyone assisted him in hiding from authorities during the manhunt. "At this time, there's nothing in the complaint suggesting someone did, but the investigation is ongoing. In fact, it's just in it's infancy," Thompson said. Where did Boelter allegedly get his guns? In the suspect's vehicle abandoned at Rep. Hortman's home, police found at five weapons, including three AK-47 assault rifles, a 9mm handgun and a disassembled 9mm firearm in addition to the 9mm Baretta found behind Hortman's home, according to a criminal complaint filed in the state case against Boelter. "Defendant is the listed purchaser for at least four of the recovered firearms," according to the complaint, which does not identify where or when the guns were purchased. It remains unclear how Boelter got the other two guns police recovered in the investigation.
Yahoo
32 minutes ago
- Yahoo
NAACP breaks 116-year tradition, won't invite president to annual convention
June 17 (UPI) -- The NAACP says it will not invite U.S. President Donald Trump to offer remarks at its annual convention next month in North Carolina in a break with longstanding tradition for the first time in its 116 year history. The group said the sitting president is "attacking" democracy, civil rights and "believes more in the fascist playbook than in the U.S. Constitution." The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, one of the nation's leading and foremost civil rights groups, is slated to see its 116th annual national convention July 12-16 in Charlotte. "For 116 years, the NAACP has invited the sitting president of the United States to address the NAACP National Convention -- regardless of their political party," NAACP President and CEO Derrick Johnson said Monday in a release. The NAACP, according to Johnson, is a nonpartisan organization that "always welcome those who believe in democracy and the Constitution." In a statement, the civil rights chief said right now "it's clear" that Trump is "attacking" both civl rights and democracy. He pointed out there's a "rich history" of both Republican and Democratic presidents addressing the NAACP convention from Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower to Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama "and beyond." Last July, then-President Joe Biden made his first public appearance right after Trump's first attempted shooting in Butler, Penn., at the NAACP's 115th convention in Las Vegas. Biden told the NAACP's 2024 convention Nevada how the unemployment rate among Black Americans at that time was lower than ever, that the poverty rate among Black children was half of what it was when he entered office in 2021 and that Black-owned small businesses under the Biden administration experienced record growth. On Monday, Johnson cited in his statement the flurry of "unconstitutional executive orders" that flew out of the White House in the weeks after Trump's January 20 inaugural as part reason why he failed the invite test, scores of orders which are currently tied up under judicial review. Some, he said, "oppress voters and undo federal civil rights protections." Trump, Johnson went on to write, believes more in "the fascist playbook" than America's Constitution. "This playbook is radical and un-American." He stated that the president "illegally turned the military on our communities," and he "continually undermines every pillar of our democracy to make himself more powerful and to personally benefit from the U.S. government." However, the convention's intended to be a "safe space for all people regardless of political ideology -- who believe in multiracial democracy and the ideal of building a more perfect union," Johnson continued. "To that end, the NAACP has made the decision to break with tradition and not invite Donald Trump or J.D. Vance this year," Johnson concluded, adding his belief that the Trump administration "does not respect the Constitution or the rule of law." The NAACP's annual convention, Johnson says, has always been a place where people across the United States unite to "map out our advocacy" and mobilization strategies in order to advance an agenda "for all" based on ideals of civil rights and democracy. "It would be a waste of our time and energy to give a platform to fascism, which would be unacceptable," the NAACP head wrote.