logo
Bill Moyers, former White House aide and PBS journalist, dies at 91

Bill Moyers, former White House aide and PBS journalist, dies at 91

Bill Moyers, a soft-spoken former White House aide turned journalist who became a standard bearer of quality in TV news, died Thursday in New York. He was 91.
Moyers' son William told the Associated Press his father died at Memorial Sloan Kettering hospital after a long illness.
Moyers began his TV career in 1971 during the early years of PBS after serving as a leading advisor and press secretary to President Johnson. He spent 10 years in two stints at CBS News in the 1970s and '80s. He was editor and chief correspondent for 'CBS Reports,' the network's prestigious documentary series, and an analyst for the 'CBS Evening News.'
He also did a turn as a commentator on 'NBC Nightly News' and was a host of the MSNBC program 'Insight' in 1996.
But Moyers was often frustrated with the restraints of corporate-owned media and returned to non-commercial PBS each time.
At PBS, 'Bill Moyers Journal' was the first news program on the service, launched in 1972 just as the Watergate scandal was heating up. His documentaries and series, which included 'Now With Bill Moyers' and the weekly interview show 'Moyers & Company, ' often examined complex issues and offered serious discussion. He earned top prizes in television journalism, including more than 30 Emmy Awards. His final program for PBS aired in 2013.
Moyers made a posthumous star out of a literature professor at Sarah Lawrence College with the landmark 1988 PBS series 'Joseph Campbell and the Power of Myth,' an exploration of religious and mythological archetypes. The series was watched by 30 million viewers.
His 2006 series 'Faith and Reason,' where Moyers interviewed authors about the role of religion in their lives, was the kind of programming that distinguished public television, even as audiences had more viewing options on cable.
Moyers also fronted tough investigative programs such as 'The Secret Government,' a deep dive into the Iran-Contra scandal during the Reagan administration. He often focused on the influence of money in the nation's politics.
A believer in liberal causes, Moyers aggravated Republican administrations who often cited his programs when they accused PBS of bias and attempted to cut its federal funding.
PBS President Paula Kerger, who worked closely with Moyers for decades, said he always embodied the aspirations of public television.
'Bill was always of service: as a journalist, a mentor, and a fierce champion for PBS,' Kerger said in a statement. 'He fought for excellence and honesty in our public discourse, and was always willing to take on the most important issues of the day with curiosity and compassion.'
Moyers was born June 5, 1934 in Hugo, Okla., the son of a dirt farmer and day laborer. He attended high school in Marshall, Texas, where he covered sports for the local newspaper.
After graduating from the University of Texas, he earned a master's in divinity from Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary and became an ordained minister. He preached at small rural churches.
While in college, he established a relationship with Johnson, who hired him to work on his 1954 reelection campaign for U.S. Senate. He worked as a news editor for KTBC radio and television, the Austin, Texas, outlets owned by Johnson's wife, Lady Bird.
Moyers stuck with Johnson when the senator was elected as John F. Kennedy's vice president, becoming his personal assistant and later serving as a deputy director of the Peace Corps.
After Johnson was sworn in as president on Nov. 22, 1963, following the assassination of Kennedy, Moyers ascended as well. He was a top Johnson aide with a wide range of duties including press secretary.
According to a 1965 profile in Time magazine, Moyers was a key figure in assembling Johnson's ambitious domestic policy initiatives known as the Great Society. He shaped legislation and edited and polished the work of Johnson's speechwriters.
When Johnson underwent anesthesia for a gall bladder operation, Moyers was given responsibility to decide whether then-Vice President Hubert Humphrey should take over the president's powers in the event of a crisis.
Moyers had a major impact on political communication when in 1964 he signed off on the creation of the 'Daisy' ad for Johnson's presidential election campaign.
The ad showing a girl counting petals she pulls from a daisy blends into a countdown for the launch of nuclear missile. Moyers expressed regret for the spot — an attack on Johnson's Republican opponent Barry Goldwater's views on the use of nuclear weapons. He believed the use of visceral imagery harmed the country's politics in the long term.
Moyers left the Johnson White House in 1967 as he was disenchanted with the escalation of the Vietnam War. He went on to become publisher of the Long Island, N.Y., daily newspaper Newsday, raising its stature in the journalism industry, before his first tenure at PBS.
When he rejoined PBS in 1986, he formed his own production company called Public Affairs Television.
Moyers' preacher-like delivery and emphasis on high moral standards in his commentaries led some people to criticize him as being a pious scold. But as cable news brought a more raucous style of current affairs discussions to TV, Moyers' gentler approach was an oasis for many.
'His mission has always been to make things better, not louder,' Neil Gabler wrote in an appreciation of Moyers for The Times in 2009. 'In a world of ego and bombast, he has always been modest and self-effacing.'
Moyers is survived by his wife Judith; three children, Suzanne Moyers, John D. Moyers and William Cope Moyers; six grandchildren; and a great-granddaughter.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Alaska man gifted $22,000 motorcycle by Russian government after viral interview
Alaska man gifted $22,000 motorcycle by Russian government after viral interview

Boston Globe

time3 hours ago

  • Boston Globe

Alaska man gifted $22,000 motorcycle by Russian government after viral interview

Advertisement Warren told the crew about his difficulty obtaining parts for the bike because of supply-and-demand issues. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up 'It went viral, it went crazy, and I have no idea why, because I'm really just a super-duper normal guy,' Warren said Tuesday. 'They just interviewed some old guy on a Ural, and for some reason they think it's cool.' On Aug. 13, two days before the Trump-Putin summit to discuss the war in Ukraine, Warren received a call from the Russian journalist, who told him, 'They've decided to give you a bike.' Warren said a document he received indicated the gift was arranged through the Russian Embassy in the U.S., which did not immediately return a message Tuesday. Warren said he initially thought it might be a scam. But after Putin and Trump departed Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson following their three-hour summit last Friday, he got another call informing him the bike was at the base. Advertisement He was directed to go to an Anchorage hotel the next day for the handoff. He went with his wife, and there in the parking lot, along with six men he assumed to be Russians, was the olive-green motorcycle, valued at $22,000. 'I dropped my jaw,' he said. 'I went, 'You've got to be joking me.'' All the Russians asked in return was to take his picture and interview him, he said: 'If they want something from me, they're gonna be sorely disappointed.' Mark Warren, an Alaska resident who received a new Ural motorcycle as a gift from the Russian government. Bill Roth/Associated Press Two reporters and someone from the consulate jumped on the bike with him, and he drove slowly around the parking lot while a cameraman ran alongside and filmed it. The only reservation he had about taking the Ural is that he might somehow be implicated in some nefarious Russian scheme. Warren said he doesn't want a 'bunch of haters coming after me that I got a Russian motorcycle. … I don't want this for my family.' When he was signing the paperwork taking ownership of the motorcycle from the Russian embassy, he noticed it was manufactured Aug. 12. 'The obvious thing here is that it rolled off the showroom floor and slid into a jet within probably 24 hours,' he said.

The race to rescue PBS and NPR stations
The race to rescue PBS and NPR stations

Boston Globe

time3 hours ago

  • Boston Globe

The race to rescue PBS and NPR stations

'We believe it's crucial to have a concerted, coordinated effort to make sure that the stations that most critically need these funds right now have a pathway to get them,' said Maribel Pérez Wadsworth, president and CEO of the Knight Foundation, which is among the major backers of the fund. Advertisement The money is not aimed at PBS and NPR, well-funded national organizations that will survive without government support. Instead, the Knight Foundation and others are focused on the scores of public radio and TV stations that have historically received more than 30 percent of their support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, a taxpayer-backed company that announced it would shut down because of the funding cuts. Many of those stations are in rural areas, like remote regions of Alaska and Kansas, where residents don't have access to alternate sources of news and information. Advertisement The Knight Foundation is committing $10 million to the fund, which aims to disburse the money before the end of the year. Together with Knight, the Ford Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation, the Schmidt Family Foundation, Pivotal Ventures, and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation have already committed nearly $27 million for the effort, called the Public Media Bridge Fund. The MacArthur Foundation is also making a $10 million contribution unrelated to the fund to support public media. Public media executives and advocates quietly drew up contingency plans to salvage public media as the threat of funding cuts edged closer to reality. After President Trump was elected in November, Isgitt worked with Erik Langner, the CEO of a nonprofit called the Information Equity Initiative, to work on a strategy. Over the next seven months, Isgitt, whose firm is called Public Media Co., briefed the CEO of PBS, Paula Kerger, and the CEO of NPR, Katherine Maher, about the plan and began coordinating with foundations. Time is critical for TV and radio stations, many of which have already begun to lay off staff in anticipation of the funding cuts. Wadsworth, a former publisher of USA Today, has urged foundations to act with urgency — to 'move philanthropy at the speed of news,' she said. On July 20, Wadsworth called Isgitt to discuss the fund and how philanthropy might work together to help stations. She has since held virtual meetings to bring other philanthropists around to the idea. Advertisement 'I wanted them to understand what was at stake,' she said. The fund will be administered by Public Media Co., which will solicit applications from stations. Eligibility guidelines are still being worked out, but the fund would prioritize stations that received a large proportion of their budgets from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and those that are among the only sources of information in their communities. Langner will be the executive director of the fund. Wadsworth anticipates that many applicants will come from rural areas, where numerous stations have long relied on government funding to operate. One of the stations, KUCB in Unalaska, Alaska, relayed a tsunami warning to listeners even as the Senate was debating federal funding cuts last month, said Mollie Kabler, CEO of CoastAlaska, a nonprofit company that provides services to a consortium of Alaskan public radio stations. Kabler, who has already had to lay off an employee from her shoestring staff, is also trying to raise a $15 million emergency fund to help stations in Alaska survive the next year. She likened the funding cuts to a wildfire. 'The big trees are going to survive the fire,' Kabler said. 'It's the little trees that are going to be devastated and have to start over.' The smaller stations are already beginning to get some help from PBS and NPR, which are offering members a discount on dues payments. Kerger and Maher have already begun to brief members on the bridge fund. Wadsworth said philanthropy could not provide a substitute for the federal funding in the long term. A broad overhaul of the public radio system is needed, Isgitt said, and many stations will need to merge or pool their resources to save costs. Advertisement Isgitt said roughly $100 million would be needed over the next two years to avoid widespread closures. He predicted that if those stations did close, other buyers could swoop in to acquire the stations' valuable broadcast spectrum and eliminate local news and emergency services. 'We'll do the best we can with the resources available to us to secure as much local service as possible,' Isgitt said. 'But if we aren't able to raise the money, we can't fill all the gaps.' This article originally appeared in .

U.S. broadens search for deportation agreements, striking deals with Honduras and Uganda, documents show
U.S. broadens search for deportation agreements, striking deals with Honduras and Uganda, documents show

CBS News

time6 hours ago

  • CBS News

U.S. broadens search for deportation agreements, striking deals with Honduras and Uganda, documents show

Internal government documents obtained by CBS News show the Trump administration has expanded its campaign to persuade countries around the world to aid its crackdown on illegal immigration by accepting deportations of migrants who are not their own citizens. The documents indicate Uganda in East Africa recently agreed to accept deportees from the U.S. who hail from other countries on the continent, as long as they don't have criminal histories. It's unclear how many deportees Uganda would ultimately accept under the arrangement with the U.S. government. Honduras' government has also agreed to receive deportees from other Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America, including families traveling with children, the documents show. The government of Honduras agreed to a relatively small number of deportations — just several hundred over two years — but the documents indicate it could decide to accept more. Both agreements are based on a "safe third country" provision of U.S. immigration law that allows officials to reroute asylum-seekers to countries that are not their own if the U.S. government makes a determination that those nations can fairly hear their claims for humanitarian protection. The two bilateral deals outlined in the internal documents are part of a large-scale diplomatic effort that President Trump's administration has staged to strike deportation arrangements with nations across several continents, including those with problematic human rights records. The administration has argued those agreements are key to its mass deportation campaign, since there are some migrants who can't easily be deported to their home countries because of strained diplomatic relations or other reasons. At least a dozen countries have already accepted or agreed to accept deportees from other nations since the second Trump administration took office, and U.S. officials have been aggressively courting other governments. Internal government documents show the Trump administration has also asked countries like Ecuador and Spain to receive these so-called third country deportees from the U.S. Representatives for the Department of Homeland Security did not respond to requests to comment on CBS News' reporting. A senior State Department official said, "We don't comment on the content of private diplomatic negotiations, but the State Department is doing everything possible to support the President's policy of keeping Americans safe by removing illegal aliens who have no right to be in the United States." Earlier this summer, the Supreme Court gave the Trump administration the green light to deport migrants to third countries with a minimal degree of notice and due process. The decision paved the way for the administration to continue expanding a practice it has relied on since the beginning of Mr. Trump's second term. In February, the Trump administration convinced Costa Rica and Panama to take in several hundred African and Asian migrants who had claimed asylum along the U.S.-Mexico border. Then, in March, the U.S. flew more than 200 Venezuelans accused of gang membership to El Salvador, where they were held incommunicado for months at a notorious prison until they were returned to Venezuela last month under a prisoner swap. The administration has also sent immigrants convicted of violent crimes and who hail from Cuba, Jamaica, Mexico, Laos, Myanmar, Yemen and other countries to violence-torn South Sudan and the tiny southern African kingdom of Eswatini. Guatemala, Kosovo and Rwanda have announced they will receive deportees from the U.S. who come from other nations. Last week, the State Department said the U.S. had signed a "safe third country" asylum agreement with Paraguay. Mexico, under an arrangement that predates Mr. Trump's second term, accepts the return of some Latin American migrants who crossed the U.S. southern border illegally. Human rights advocates have strongly denounced the Trump administration effort, saying migrants could be deported to countries where they could be harmed or returned to the place they fled. Some of the countries persuaded to sign deportation agreements have been plagued by reports of human rights abuses. In a report released last week, the State Department described "negative developments in the human rights situation in Uganda," citing unlawful killings, "arbitrary" arrests, disappearances and a lack of action from the government to curb human rights abuses. The report also noted, however, that Uganda has worked with United Nations officials to provide humanitarian protection to refugees. Doris Meissner, who oversaw the now-defunct Immigration and Naturalization Service under the Clinton administration, said the U.S. government has long faced difficulties deporting some migrants due to diplomatic constraints. But she noted efforts to deport them to third countries were generally undertaken in "exceptional" cases only. Meissner suggested the Trump administration may be employing different sources of leverage — like threats of visa sanctions and funding commitments — to persuade as many countries as possible to take in deportees from other nations. Noting deportations to third countries remain relatively limited in scale, Meissner said a main driver behind the Trump administration's diplomatic efforts is a desire to send a message of deterrence to those in the U.S. illegally, one that highlights the possibility that they could be sent to distant countries where they have no ties. "The broader reason beyond that is fear and intimidation and ultimately, incentivizing self deportation," she said.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store