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Kohberger practiced home invasions and burglary techniques years before murdering Idaho students: new book

Kohberger practiced home invasions and burglary techniques years before murdering Idaho students: new book

Fox News15 hours ago
Idaho student killer Bryan Kohberger got his first hands-on experience as a burglar while pilfering homes to fund a teenage heroin addiction, according to a new book.
"He was a heroin addict as a young guy [in Pennsylvania], and he was breaking and entering into houses," crime novelist James Patterson told Lawrence Jones on "FOX & Friends" Wednesday morning. "He'd been doing it for years, and that's exactly what happened in Moscow. He broke into this house and killed these four beautiful students."
Patterson teamed up with investigative journalist Vicky Ward on "The Idaho Four: An American Tragedy," which dropped earlier this week.
While Kohberger has no publicly visible criminal record in his home state, he was forced out of a security job for reasons that have not been made public and reportedly has an expunged 2014 conviction for the theft and sale of his sister's iPhone after a stint in rehab to pay for his heroin addiction when he was 19. In 2023, police confirmed to Fox News Digital the case had been expunged and said they had no record of it to share.
Kohberger's dad, Michael Kohberger, told police that his son had just gotten out of rehab, swiped the phone and paid a pal $20 to drive him to the mall, where he allegedly sold it for $200, ABC News reported previously.
The killer, now 30, was going to face a capital murder trial next month until he unexpectedly changed his plea on July 1, when he admitted to four counts of first-degree murder and one of felony burglary. He acknowledged that he pre-planned the slayings and that when he entered the off-campus rental home at 1122 King Road, he intended to kill.
The authors found victims from Kohberger's past in Pennsylvania, where he spent most of his life, who shed new light on his capacity for manipulation and plotting.
"I felt chills when Connie Saba told me the story of how a teenage Kohberger had manipulated her into inadvertently telling him when she'd be out of the house to visit her son, Jeremy in jail, because he planned to break into her house and steal an iPad and other things from her," Ward told Fox News Digital.
It was a striking betrayal, she said, because Kohberger had next to no friends and Jeremy Saba might have been the only one.
"Connie Saba had been nothing but welcoming and kind to him, so it was a devastating breach of trust – and when Connie Saba imitated Kohberger coming back a year or so later to apologize to her for the break-in (as part of his rehab process), she showed me the creepy way he just 'appeared' in her kitchen like a ghost, frightening her," she said. "One could imagine him just 'appearing' at 1122 King Road on the night of the murders."
Kohberger cased out the rental home around a dozen times before the murders, according to court documents. Before school officials had it razed last year, it was situated on a slope in front of a parking lot, giving Kohberger a potential vantage point overlooking multiple windows, including those of 21-year-old victim Madison Mogen's bedroom.
"Mark Baylis, a former Navy SEAL, believes Kohberger successfully stalked him and his property for hours, days possibly, to steal valuables from him," Ward added. "It showed the cold-blooded, calculated side of Kohberger – a side that I think we all saw in court in early July when he pled guilty – with zero emotion."
Kohberger stood up in court, with his back straight, admitting to the murders without a glance at his parents or those of the victims, most of whom were in the room. In the gallery near the defense table, his father wiped away tears and asked a bailiff for water. At one point, even Latah County Prosecuting Attorney Bill Thompson choked down a tear as he wrapped up a summary of the prosecution's case.
GET REAL-TIME UPDATES AT THE FOX NEWS TRUE CRIME HUB
Throughout the proceeding, Kohberger fixed his eyes on lawyers in the room, the judge, and occasionally leaned over into the ear of his lead defense attorney, Anne Taylor.
The 30-year-old was a criminology student at Washington State University, a 10-mile drive from the crime scene.
He'd barely been there for one semester but was already worried about losing his scholarship, Patterson revealed.
Kohberger had no meaningful connection to the victims, 21-year-olds Mogen and Kaylee Goncalves, and 20-year-olds Xana Kernodle and Ethan Chapin. But Patterson believes Mogen was the primary target when he snuck into the off-campus home at 1122 King Road on Nov. 13, 2022.
She and Kernodle both worked at the now-shuttered Mad Greek restaurant, which had vegan menu options that the author believes appealed to Kohberger's meat-free diet.
"He obviously had a big problem with women," Patterson said, based on roughly 300 interviews he conducted and public documents. "We believe he was targeting Maddie and things had happened... He was going to lose his scholarship."
Kohberger was pursuing a Ph.D. in criminology at Washington State University – where he reportedly butted heads with other students. After his arrest, the school said it had cut ties.
Kohberger's defense did not respond to a request for comment.
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Inside America's Quiet Safety Revolution: How Local Leaders Are Cutting Crime Without More Cops
Inside America's Quiet Safety Revolution: How Local Leaders Are Cutting Crime Without More Cops

Forbes

time24 minutes ago

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Inside America's Quiet Safety Revolution: How Local Leaders Are Cutting Crime Without More Cops

Collage of Getty Images featuring the three Mayors on the frontline of America's Crime Rate ... More Reduction : (1) Birmingham Mayor, (2) Chicago Mayor, (3) Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott /Getty Images. Used with permission from Getty Images. After years of headlines and reports warning of rising violence and disastrously high crime rates, something remarkable is happening: America's crime rates are quickly dropping. According to new data from the Vera Institute of Justice and the Council on Criminal Justice, homicides in the U.S. fell by 16 percent in 2024, with early 2025 showing an even sharper decline. In some cities, shootings are down nearly 40 percent. The national murder rate is now approaching pre-pandemic levels—despite political rhetoric suggesting otherwise. 'In and even in 2024, we are nationally at crime rates that match pre-pandemic lows.' said Insha Rahman, vice president of advocacy and partnerships at the Vera Institute of Justice. 'The increase in crime that happened as a result of the COVID-19 was basically wiped out entirely by 2024 and now we are witnessing declines that go even beyond pre-pandemic lows.' Rahman, who's also director of Vera Action, an independent, but aligned, sister nonprofit organization, highlighted double-digit declines in homicides and violent crime in Chicago, Baltimore, Birmingham, and Detroit. She and Vera Institute credit this decline to the work of municipal leaders and their crime prevention strategies. 'Cities in particular, and this isn't just big urban cities, but actually more suburban communities, are making real investment in building out a larger, comprehensive public safety infrastructure that supports police to focus on serious crime and then expands the tools and the toolkit of who should be the right first responder to a crisis to prevent crime,' she said. 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Defense to present case in day 3 of Minnesota state Sen. Nicole Mitchell burglary trial
Defense to present case in day 3 of Minnesota state Sen. Nicole Mitchell burglary trial

CBS News

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Defense to present case in day 3 of Minnesota state Sen. Nicole Mitchell burglary trial

The burglary trial of Minnesota state Sen. Nicole Mitchell goes into its third day on Thursday, and could soon go to the jury. The Woodbury Democrat is accused of burglarizing the Detroit Lakes home of her stepmother, Carol Mitchell, on April 22, 2024, and is charged with felony first-degree burglary and possession of burglary or theft tools. The senator pleaded not guilty and has said she was in the home to retrieve some of her late father's items, as well as check on her stepmother, who lives with Alzheimer's disease. The prosecution wrapped its case on Wednesday, and the defense will present its case on Thursday. It's still unknown whether Nicole Mitchell will take the witness stand herself. On Wednesday, Becker County Attorney Brian McDonald rested his case after showing new body camera video of the senator's stepmother, Carol Mitchell, telling officers what happened. "I couldn't figure out what woke me, if it was a loud sound or if what," Carol Mitchell told an officer in the body camera video. "I stepped down and I stepped on a body." Police say that body was Nicole Mitchell. Prosecutors claim she was caught "red handed" breaking into her stepmother's home last year. The defense disagrees, claiming the senator went to the home early that morning concerned about her stepmother. They showed text messages between Nicole Mitchell and other family members raising their concerns. Nancy Lund, Nicole Mitchell's aunt, testified that Carol Mitchell was forgetting things. "She was having a lot of trouble trying to keep things together and concern that she would be a vulnerable adult who could be taken advantage of," Lund said. The defense plans to call a handful of other witnesses on Thursday, which means they could soon wrap up their case. The trial reconvenes Thursday at 9 a.m. The trial saw two delays before finally beginning this week — one until after the legislative session at Nicole Mitchell's request and another following the June shootings of two Minnesota lawmakers and their spouses. Nicole Mitchell has survived multiple expulsion attempts by her Republican Senate colleagues, but the body's DFL Caucus did remove her from committee assignments and caucus meetings days after her arrest. WCCO will offer special, extended coverage of Mitchell's trial online and on CBS News Minnesota.

When institutions crumble, strongmen step in
When institutions crumble, strongmen step in

Washington Post

time25 minutes ago

  • Washington Post

When institutions crumble, strongmen step in

What would it take to put the swirling conspiracy theories about Jeffrey Epstein to bed? Nothing complicated; just an authoritative, trusted voice articulating the truth about what occurred and what is or isn't still being kept under wraps. The sort of thing that might have come from an attorney general or a president a few decades ago and offered, if not a perfect defusing, at least a credible counternarrative. But those days are very much over. The current attorney general and president did try to stamp out the rumors, but both because of their own personal track records and because of the decreased confidence that Americans have in their positions, it simply didn't work. President Donald Trump has since attempted to strong-arm his supporters, demanding they accept his presentation of the case, but even that hasn't worked — in part because he has spent the past decade doing everything in his power to erode the trust in authority that would really be useful for him now. On net, of course, the slow, steady obliteration of trust in American institutions has worked to Trump's advantage. His political career has been built on establishing himself to his supporters as the only reliable source of information, a presentation that depends on their distrust in any other source. But Trump didn't create that distrust. He just leveraged and exacerbated it. We can see that in annual polling data compiled by Gallup. The percentage of Americans expressing confidence in institutions has fallen broadly. Sometimes those declines have been temporarily reversed. But for a range of central elements of American society — Congress, the police, the church, the news media, the presidency — confidence has gotten lower and lower as the decades have passed. Often, partisanship plays a role. Partisan confidence in the presidency, for example, depends on which party occupies the White House. Confidence in newspapers or police often depends on party as well, but the overall trend is downward. That's partly because confidence in and reliance on the parties themselves have decreased. Fewer Americans identify as Democrats or Republicans than used to, with independents (albeit often independents who lean toward one party or the other) making up the difference. You can see that in polling from the biennial General Social Survey. The trend over the past few decades has been that the percentage of Americans who say they aren't strong partisans has declined as the number of independents has risen. It is increasingly every voter, every American for his- or herself. Not trusting the government or the Supreme Court and not organized in parties, people instead offer their trust elsewhere — including to the internet. The internet was intended to have a democratizing effect, allowing people access to information that would otherwise be locked up in libraries or journals. Even before social media use became pervasive, though, one eventual development had been predicted: Granting people broad access to information would allow them to construct an argument or a worldview by cherry-picking what they believed would support their case. It is hard to overstate the extent to which this occurred. Conspiracy theories thrived in heavily weeded gardens. The emergence of social media allowed the formation of entire communities detached from reality, places where consensus could be constructed. This presented a business opportunity: Unscrupulous or blinkered parties could sell these artificial realities back to their audiences. That business opportunity proved also to be a political opportunity. Trump's return to the White House was heavily dependent on his ability to present an artificial world to American voters, an effort that succeeded because trust in institutions had withered. It's true that inflation played a significant role in his victory last year, but it's also true that he turned his actions after the 2020 election and the criminal cases against him into political assets. All the fulminating from newspapers and politicians about what Trump was likely to do if he returned to power plinked quietly off the wall that Trump had built around his base. The people most supportive of Trump were also those most distrustful of the media. When Trump won, the institutional collapse quickened. Congress was unsurprisingly pliant, but the extent to which it was joined by the Supreme Court in abdicating its efforts to check the executive branch was striking, even given the court's recent decisions. Business leaders, college administrators and media outlets opted to defer to and pay off Trump in exchange for access or leniency. When they didn't, Trump targeted them, just as he targeted federal agencies and programs that didn't align with his politics and priorities. Pillars of American society were knocked down or preemptively collapsed. What Trump wants, quite explicitly, is for there to be no authority in America but his own. He wants nothing to be trusted but himself and no guidance offered but his own. And he's aided in that by the lack of alternatives. What other institutions will Americans actually trust, particularly when they so often conflate 'trust' with 'what they want to hear'? It's easy to collapse into defeatism here, particularly given the events of the past six months. But the Epstein-centered events of the past few weeks offer one caveat: There are limits to Trump's ability to compel his supporters to believe what he says. He can't point to the Justice Department's assertions because he told his followers that the Justice Department was dishonest. He can't point to the justice system for the same reason. He's centered his politics so thoroughly on distrust that his base doesn't even give him an immediate pass. This is nonetheless more favorable terrain for Trump than for the American system. As New York Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan once wrote (here in The Post), 'Everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts.' Trump has for years stoked the idea that actually, having your own facts is fine. And even as his base chooses facts that he finds inconvenient in the moment, he's still pushing toward the next phase: Everyone is entitled to the facts that Trump presents. What institutions of power will be left to disagree?

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