Will South Africa's 2025 Employment Equity targets disrupt international trade?
Image: GCIS
South Africa's newly gazetted sectoral employment equity targets could place the country in breach of several international trade agreements – including the World Trade Organization's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), as well as regional protocols under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
This is according to Clive Vinti, Head of Research at XA Global Trade Advisors, who says the targets – set to come into effect from September 1 – appear to impose discriminatory limitations on who can be employed in specific sectors, without taking account of the realities of those sectors or the international obligations South Africa has signed up to.
The potential trade implications formed part of the legal challenge launched by the National Employers' Association of South Africa (NEASA) and Sakeliga NPC against the Minister of Employment and Labour. The challenge, announced on July 9, was aimed at halting the implementation of the '2025 Targets' and the underlying regulations.
Vinti argued that numerical quotas based on national race and gender demographics, if enforced without sector-specific capacity considerations, risk breaching international agreements that explicitly prohibit employment caps in service sectors. Under GATS, for example, member states are barred from placing quantitative limits on the number of people that can be employed in any given service sector. The same provisions are mirrored in AfCFTA and Southern African Development Community protocols, where the focus is on promoting access and non-discrimination in trade in services.
In South Africa's case, these equity targets apply to both local and foreign-owned firms operating in the domestic economy. If implemented without regard for the availability of suitably qualified individuals in designated groups, they could act as a barrier to market access, especially for foreign service providers and investors, potentially triggering trade disputes or retaliatory measures.
At the heart of the court application filed by NEASA and Sakeliga is the argument that the 2025 targets, which flow from the insertion of section 15A into the Employment Equity Act (EEA), were adopted in breach of procedural and constitutional requirements.
The amendment, which came into effect on 1 January 2025, grants the Minister of Employment and Labour, Nomakhosazana Meth, the power to set sector-specific numerical employment targets in order to ensure equitable representation at all occupational levels. But the law also requires that such targets be preceded by a public consultation process and that affected sectors be properly identified and engaged.
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Advertisement
Next
Stay
Close ✕
Ad loading
According to the applicants, this did not occur.
They allege that instead of the minimum 30-day comment period stipulated in the Act, they were given just over a week to respond. Furthermore, while draft targets had been published for public input in 2023 and 2024, this step was skipped entirely for the 2025 targets.
NEASA and Sakeliga also argued that the consultation process was neither meaningful nor inclusive. Some sessions were limited to 1 000 virtual attendees and held with little to no advance notice. Employers were allegedly only given access to the proposed targets during or shortly before these meetings.
Compounding the procedural issues, the applicants say the Minister used a 'one-size-fits-all' approach in determining the targets – applying blanket increases of 6% to 9% across occupational levels, without regard for each sector's structure, skills availability, growth trajectory, or economic context. This, they argue, rendered the targets arbitrary, irrational and potentially unachievable.
The challenge also raised concerns around the impact on women. While women are themselves a designated group under the EEA, the structure of the targets could, paradoxically, disadvantage them by failing to account for intra-group disparities.
Crucially, the plaintiffs said that no socio-economic impact assessment had been conducted before gazetting the targets. In their view, this omission made the regulations irrational and placed the policy in conflict with section 9 of the Constitution, which deals with the right to equality and non-discrimination.
Beyond constitutional and procedural issues, the applicants highlighted the direct risk to businesses. Companies that fail to meet the new equity targets face penalties of up to R1.5 million or 2% of annual turnover on first offence. Section 53 of the EEA, which is not yet in force, could eventually see non-compliant firms excluded from government procurement processes entirely, with existing state contracts cancelled.
'Since the government is the largest procurer of goods and services in the market, being blocked from trading with it could be fatal to a business,' said Vinti.
The equity targets could also affect access to key trade instruments. Duty rebate, increase and reduction applications, often used to support or protect domestic industries, require compliance with labour legislation. Non-compliance may disqualify firms from benefiting from these instruments, weakening their competitiveness both locally and abroad.
According to Vinti, these developments have the potential to upend South Africa's trade credibility.
The matter is now before the courts, with NEASA and Sakeliga seeking an urgent interim interdict to halt the targets' implementation while the High Court considers the lawfulness and constitutionality of the regulations. 'The ball is now in the court of the Minister,' said Vinti.
IOL
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
8 hours ago
- IOL News
Investigation reveals National Police Commissioner Masemola's questionable financial dealings
An investigation reveals that National Police Commissioner Fannie Masemola lives beyond his means. Image: Picture: Siyabulela Duda/GCIS Following allegations that a warrant of arrest was issued against the police national commissioner, Fannie Masemola, it has been established that the country's police boss is living beyond his means. During his media briefing on Thursday, EFF leader Julius Malema revealed that Masemola would be arrested for conspiring with Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo, who was recently arrested for corruption and fraud. An investigation revealed that Masemola spends more than he earns. Masemola, who allegedly received kickbacks related to intelligence property deals, has the monthly installments of R68,388.00 while he earns R58,052.11. His monthly salary is R129,996.87 and his deductions amount to R71,914.76. This is according to an investigation by the founder of Forensics for Justice, Paul O'Sullivan, who also found that Masemola owns five properties. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading He owns one in Bloemfontein, two in Pretoria and the other two in Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal. The property in Bloemfontein is worth R380,000 and was purchased in 2016. The properties in Pretoria are valued at R165,000 and R1,500,000, respectively. The other one was purchased in 1996 and the other one in 2011. The properties in Pietermaritzburg were bought in 2002 and 2005. The other one is valued at R153,000 and the other one is R445,000. The investigation also revealed that in 2019, Masemola took a personal loan amounting to R200,000.00 from Nedbank and was repaid within seven months. Records indicate that in order to pay off that loan, he took another loan in the amount of R238,000.00. 'Back-to-back loans are generally seen as Red Flags. Subject (Masemola) is shown as being currently 9 months in arrears in revolving credit with Standard Bank. Enquiries should be made with the accounting services of the police to ascertain what debt has been incurred between the government and the subject, which results in substantial deductions from the subject's salary each month,' read the report. Masemola did not respond to calls and messages regarding comments on the allegations. National police spokesperson, Athlenda Mathe, said she cannot comment on Masemola's private affairs and his monthly expenditure. 'But it's a norm that every year, all government officials disclose their assets and other financial interests through the Department of Public Service and Administration (DPSA) financial disclosure system,' she said. DPSA spokesperson Moses Mushi said the financial disclosures made in terms of the Public Administration Management Act, 2014, by the National Commissioner: SAPS, fall within the category of a record held by a public body to which access could only be obtained in terms of PAIA, and in the absence of such a request in terms of PAIA, the sharing of such information will be contrary to the provisions of PAIA. O'Sullivan said he even warned President Cyril Ramaphosa not to appoint Masemola as the national commissioner, saying he was unfit to hold the position. Masemola was appointed in March 2022. O'Sullivan said Masemola's appointment brought the country backwards to a point where he rendered the police service useless. He previously alleged that Masemola and Khumalo received kickbacks from the property deals, which include a boutique hotel in Pretoria North, reportedly purchased for R22.7-million, and a commercial building in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, valued at R22.8-million. Malema, on Thursday, said the recent briefing held by KZN police commissioner, Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, who blew the whistle about infiltration within law enforcement, caused the postponement of Masemola's alleged arrest. He also alluded to political interference in relation to this matter. 'I do not know why he is not being picked up. It means someone somewhere is playing politics, and they want to undermine, once more, the independence of our justice system,' Malema said. 'Masemola is being arrested for what he did with Khumalo in crime intelligence. He was supposed to be arrested that week when Mkhwanazi had a press conference. 'So, I thought that Mkhwanazi's briefing was a pre-emptive strategy, and perhaps the arrest of Masemola is delayed by that,' Malema said. However, Mathe said the SAPS was not aware of any warrant of arrest against Masemola, adding that questions should be directed to Malema. 'He may be in a better position to respond with more information,' she said. KZN police spokesperson, Robert Netshiunda, said Mkhwanazi is not responding to any issues pertaining to his press conference or related matters. O'Sullivan, who previously also called for the suspension of both Masemola and Mkhanazi, said he was of the opinion that if there could be a warrant of arrest, it should be for both Masemola and Mkhwanazi, adding that they have both been engaged for a considerable time, in criminal activities, and actively support criminals themselves, to wit, the Five Generals and Two Brigadiers, that should have been dismissed already, but are continuing to commit crime whilst in the police.

IOL News
15 hours ago
- IOL News
Trump's Tariffs Must Sow the Seeds for a National Reawakening
President Cyril Ramaphosa and his Chinese counterpart President Xi Jinping. China must be persuaded to localise the manufacturing of its automotive brands in South Africa. This is not a charity request; it is a strategic proposal, says the writer. Image: GCIS Zamikhaya Maseti On August 1, 2025, South Africa will enter a zone of strategic economic pain, engineered not by global market fluctuations, but by the vengeful hands of conservative economic nationalism. The United States, under the reins of Donald J. Trump, will impose a 30 per cent tariff on all goods and products exported from South Africa to the American markets. This is not a policy of trade readjustment; it is a geoeconomic act of hostility. The justification, wrapped in the language of "reciprocity," is in reality a strategic blow aimed at disciplining South Africa's geopolitical posture and diplomatic boldness. Trump's economic nationalism, which sits at the ideological centre of Conservative Republicanism, is not merely inward-looking. It is punitive, retaliatory, and profoundly regressive. It has shaken the global trade architecture, not to recalibrate it, but to bend it in favour of America's new mercantilist order. This doctrine does not merely target trade imbalances; it punishes defiance. South Africa is now paying the price for standing on principle, particularly for its posture on Palestine and its landmark case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. It is clear, painfully so, that South Africa is being economically strangled not for what it trades, but for what it believes. Some Western analysts, ever keen to defend the status quo, will dispute this. They will search for economic rationality in an act that is blatantly political. Let them continue their intellectual gymnastics. This moment calls for clarity, not politeness. The truth is that Trump's worldview is transactional and tribal, and in that logic, South Africa has become collateral. That South Africa is seen as an irritant in Washington's new world order is not coincidental; it is structural. And let it be said without fear, Trump's policy on South Africa is influenced not only by economic calculations but by the mythologies peddled by actors like AfriForum and Elon Musk, who have exported the lie of white genocide into America's political bloodstream. But this is not the time for victimhood, nor is it the moment for diplomatic lamentation. It is time for South Africa to do some difficult thinking and embrace a new, muscular pragmatism. Diplomatic efforts, however noble, are unlikely to change Trump's position. Minister Parks Tau and his diplomatic team may work tirelessly, but they are facing a political machine that does not respond to nuance. Trump's narrative is fixed, and in that narrative, South Africa is an unfriendly trading partner whose tariffs harm American interests. He argues, correctly or not, that South African import duties and market access protocols are unfavourable to US goods. That argument, however flawed, resonates with his domestic base, and therefore it will stand. The United States will not blink, and it will not backtrack. Thus, it is not sufficient for South Africa to hope against hope; it must respond. Minister Parks Tau, trade envoys, and industrial leaders must now do the hard intellectual and strategic labour of repositioning the country's economic posture. Nowhere is this urgency more pressing than in the automotive sector, a critical node of South Africa's manufacturing ecosystem. This sector is not only a source of direct jobs; it sustains a complex web of downstream industries, from component manufacturing and logistics to retail and after-market services. It is here that the 30 per cent tariff will hit hardest, and it is here that innovation, not inertia, must be summoned. The sector must accept that the American market, for the foreseeable future, has lost ground. The time has come for South Africa to pivot decisively toward other markets, especially those aligned with its economic diplomacy ambitions. The first option lies in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the single largest integrated market on the continent, and the largest globally by number of countries. With over 1.3 billion people and a combined GDP exceeding $3.4 trillion, the AfCFTA offers South Africa a natural and politically friendly trading space. Sub-Saharan Africa, in particular, presents high-value demand for affordable, durable automotive products, especially among its emerging middle classes and youthful populations. Research shows that more than 60 per cent of the region's population is under the age of 25, representing a long-term demand curve that is not speculative, but empirically grounded. Yet, South African companies have been slow to leverage this opportunity. There remains an unhealthy fog of Afro-pessimism and the lingering delusion of South African exceptionalism. These intellectual blindfolds must be cast aside. Africa is not a dumping ground; it is a destination for growth. The automotive industry must shift from waiting for trade to come to it and instead begin creating strategic partnerships in East, West, and Central Africa. This includes setting up joint ventures, service hubs, and low-cost satellite assembly plants across regional economic communities. The second and equally strategic option lies in a new industrial partnership with China. The presence and popularity of Chinese-made vehicles in the South African domestic market has reached a saturation point. They are competitively priced, technologically competent, and now represent a serious challenge to traditional brands. But if left unmanaged, this trend could lead to the hollowing out of South Africa's manufacturing base. South Africa must use its BRICS membership as a strategic lever. China must be persuaded to localise the manufacturing of its automotive brands in South Africa. This is not a charity request; it is a strategic proposal. Chinese companies should be invited to co-invest in high-tech manufacturing and assembly infrastructure in Eastern Cape, Gauteng, and KwaZulu-Natal. This could take the form of co-assembled production alongside legacy OEMs like Mercedes-Benz SA, which now face looming layoffs. The South African government must incentivise this localisation through targeted industrial policy, special economic zones, and technology-sharing frameworks. In this regard, the principle of 'South Africa Inc' must be revived with urgency. Under President Cyril Ramaphosa, South Africa Inc refers to the coordinated use of economic diplomacy, government strategy, and business networks to advance national economic interests abroad. Its objectives are to integrate South African companies into key markets, attract strategic investment, and drive regional industrialisation. In Southern Africa, this approach has already delivered notable success, such as increased South African corporate presence in Zambia, Namibia, and Mozambique, particularly in retail, finance, and energy sectors. Now is the time to bring the automotive sector under this umbrella. South African diplomatic missions across Africa and Asia must be tasked explicitly with facilitating market entry, assembling policy frameworks, and brokering industrial partnerships for local manufacturers. This is not merely export promotion; it is the safeguarding of South Africa's industrial sovereignty. In conclusion, the Trump tariffs should not be seen as the end of a trade relationship, but as the beginning of a deeper national reawakening. The South African government must retool its economic diplomacy, its industrial incentives, and its regional vision. The automotive sector, in particular, must abandon old comfort zones and rise to this moment with the courage of imagination and the rigour of strategy. What is at stake is more than exports; it is the future of South Africa's industrial identity. * Zamikhaya Maseti is a Political Economy Analyst with a Magister Philosophiae (M. PHIL) in South African Politics and Political Economy from the University of Port Elizabeth (UPE), now known as the Nelson Mandela University (NMU). ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.


Mail & Guardian
2 days ago
- Mail & Guardian
Operation Vulindlela: Big on policy but low on results
Mixed bag: President Cyril Ramaphosa's Operation Vulindlela is stronger on policy than implementation. Photo: GCIS The government's flagship economic reform programme, Operation Vulindlela, has registered modest progress in the second phase of its roll-out — particularly in visa reform — but faces mounting criticism for delays in key infrastructure areas and a lack of transparency in outcomes and expenditure. The latest These visa reforms aim to 'attract skills, investment and tourism through a streamlined and modernised visa system'. The home affairs department has also upgraded its digital verification system to enable remote authentication and reduce downtime — a step toward building a digital identity system. Yet the gains made in visa systems are in contrast to widespread delays in fixing constraints in water and sanitation, electricity and freight logistics. Most work so far has been legislative, with little tangible implementation. Operation Vulindlela, initiated during President Cyril Ramaphosa's first term, aims to boost economic growth through structural reform. Ramaphosa has touted the operation as a key achievement, and in his latest 'The reduction in load-shedding over the past year was supported by the reforms we introduced to unlock private investment in electricity generation, while reforms in the telecommunications sector have brought down the cost of mobile data,' he wrote. Launched in May after cabinet approval, But despite policy work being under way in several areas — with the Electricity Regulation Amendment Bill, the Water Action Plan, the Digital Transformation Roadmap and the Local Government White Paper among the documents drafted — implementation remains limited. The progress report itself concedes that of the seven priority areas in phase two, only visa reform has moved into tangible outcomes. The electricity sector reform includes the establishment of the National Transmission Company of SA, which will eventually separate power utility Eskom's grid from generation and distribution. The government has also finalised a national wheeling framework to enable third-party access to the grid. Yet, the new transmission company still awaits licensing as a market operator. The National Energy Regulator of SA is also finalising market codes for private wholesale. Legal adviser and social activist Nkanyiso Ngqulunga was scathing in his assessment, saying Operation Vulindlela represents an acceleration of neoliberal policies that are proving counterproductive. 'It has been a complete failure. The unbundling of Eskom has not yielded any positive results but rather put the country's energy generation into the private sector,' Ngqulunga said, adding that the reforms have not attracted the promised investment. 'It hasn't attracted investment as intended. We are implementing policies that have been proven to fail — allowing the private sector in with the hope that it will boost the economy is counterintuitive.' Ngqulunga believes the government should focus on building state capacity and investing in public infrastructure. 'We need to unlock opportunities by empowering public assets,' he said. 'At a time when the government is underperforming, geopolitical tensions are high and tariff wars are growing, it's misguided to think these reforms will attract investment.' In logistics, a new Transnet Rail Infrastructure Manager division has been created to modernise operations and enable private operator access. In December, the rail, port and pipeline parastatal released network access tariffs and received 98 slot applications from private freight operators. Conditional awards will be announced by 15 August. Ntokozo Buthelezi, an economist and researcher, is concerned about the Vulindlela initiative's accountability. 'I remember from the budget speech, the minister mentioned phase two and I wondered what happened to phase one,' she said, adding that she found it to be 'vague' with regard to outcomes and money spent. 'We don't know what happened, how much was spent and what the outcomes were. There is so much secrecy — we have no clue as the public on how investment and loans are spent by the government,' she said, also criticising the absence of oversight. 'They don't tell us much. It's just numbers — billions here, billions there — but no tangible outcomes.'