Indonesia parliament passes changes to military law amid protest and concern
Indonesia's parliament passed revisions to the country's military law on Thursday, allocating more civilian posts for military officers as hundreds of students and activists protested against the legislation.
The revisions have been criticized by civil society groups, who say it could take the world's third-biggest democracy back to the draconian 'New Order' era of former strongman president Suharto, when military officers dominated civilian affairs.
Speaker Puan Maharani led the unanimous vote in a plenary council and officially passed the law, saying that it was in accordance with the principles of democracy, human rights and civil supremacy.
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Japan Times
3 days ago
- Japan Times
Trump vs. a united ASEAN
U.S. President Donald Trump's tariffs — especially the ultrahigh 'reciprocal tariffs' that he says will be reintroduced on July 8 for any country that has not struck a trade deal with his administration — have sent countries around the world scrambling to respond, adapt and limit the fallout. ASEAN's 10 members — Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam — have been among the most proactive. Their leaders quickly recognized that, after decades of spectacular gross domestic product growth, ASEAN is an economic force that the Trump administration would have to reckon with in a serious way. In 2000, Japan was the world's second-largest economy, some eight times larger than ASEAN; today, it is only 1.1 times larger, and by 2030, ASEAN's economy will overtake it. In 2010-20, ASEAN contributed more to global economic growth than the European Union did. ASEAN owes much of this progress to open trade. Between 2003 and 2023, its trade with the rest of the world exploded, from $618 billion to $2.8 trillion. But the real secret to ASEAN's success is strong and competent leadership, exemplified, in the grouping's early years, by Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, a Cambridge-educated lawyer, and Indonesian President Suharto, a Javanese military leader and mystic. It was their unlikely partnership that kept ASEAN together. Today, such leadership is exemplified by another group of seeming political opposites: Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, Vietnamese General Secretary To Lam and Singaporean Prime Minister Lawrence Wong. Anwar and Prabowo both experienced prolonged periods in the political wilderness and became friends during this time. ASEAN's leaders have upheld relative peace and stability in their countries, while cultivating a culture of consultation and consensus (musyawarah and mufakat in Indonesian) in guiding regional relations. This stands in stark contrast to the experiences of many other developing countries and regions. Just a few weeks ago, neighboring India and Pakistan narrowly avoided full-scale war. The Middle East remains gripped by instability and violence, with Israel winning wars and losing the peace. The leaders of Latin America's two largest economies, Brazil and Argentina, are barely on speaking terms. After 48 years of regular ASEAN meetings — with over 1,000 ministerial and lower-level meetings taking place annually — constructive engagement is a deeply engrained habit in the region. To be sure, ASEAN is often accused of lowest-common-denominator cooperation. But without such a measured approach, one guided by pragmatism, consensus-building and compromise, ASEAN's member countries would not have managed to remain united through multiple shocks, including the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 and the global financial crisis a decade later. ASEAN is now bringing these strengths to bear in its response to Trump's tariffs. To be sure, the individualized nature of the tariffs — which vary widely within ASEAN, from 49% on Cambodia to 10% on Singapore — limits countries' prospects for true collective bargaining. But ASEAN's member states are well aware that they are stronger together. That is why, at the just-concluded ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur, hosted by Anwar Ibrahim, the group proposed a summit attended by Trump and ASEAN's 10 national leaders. This builds on ASEAN's April declaration that it would develop 'an enhanced, robust and forward-looking ASEAN-U.S. economic cooperation framework,' which strengthens 'constructive engagement' and drives 'innovative initiatives' to deliver a 'mutually beneficial economic relationship,' with 'particular focus on high-value sectors.' The statement reflects ASEAN's awareness of its value to the U.S., which runs a significant trade surplus in services with the region. It is no coincidence that the U.S. invests heavily there — nearly $500 million in 2023. ASEAN's value is set only to grow, owing not least to its efforts to deepen its ties with other regional organizations and economic powers. Its just-concluded summit with China and the Gulf Cooperation Council — the first of its kind — sent a clear message: ASEAN is not pinning its future on its relationship with the U.S., but it is not turning its back on open trade. This aligns with the global mood: while Trump continues to brandish tariffs as a weapon against America's trade partners, other countries have refrained from raising tariffs unilaterally. ASEAN is also seeking to boost internal resilience by strengthening trade among its member countries. While intra-ASEAN trade has been declining as a share of total trade, from 25% in 2003 to 21.5% in 2023, this is only because trade with the rest of the world grew so rapidly. In any case, the group is now seeking to dismantle nontariff barriers — more than 99% of goods already flow through ASEAN tariff-free — and exploring other measures to boost trade within the bloc. The U.S. economy is formidable and Trump's tariffs may well undermine ASEAN's growth in the short term. But, by spurring the ASEAN countries to deepen cooperation with one another and with others, U.S. tariffs could bring about an even more prosperous — and, crucially, resilient — grouping. This is especially likely if ASEAN makes the most of existing arrangements — for example, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, which could seek to negotiate a new partnership with the EU. Fortunately, ASEAN has the kinds of leaders who can spearhead such an effort, beginning with the bloc's current leader, Anwar Ibrahim. Kishore Mahbubani, a distinguished fellow at the Asia Research Institute of the National University of Singapore, is the author of many books, including "The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace" (NUS Press, 2017). © Project Syndicate, 2025
Japan Times
19-05-2025
- Japan Times
In Indonesia, fears grow that new history books may rewrite dark past
The Indonesian government's plan to release new history books has sparked concerns that some of the country's darkest chapters could be recast to show President Prabowo Subianto and late authoritarian ruler Suharto in a favorable light. The 10-volume series would have an Indonesia-centric narrative and aims "to reinvent the Indonesian identity," Culture Minister Fadli Zon said in an interview. Several historians said the commissioning of the books presents an opportunity for historical revisionism at a time when Indonesia's younger generations — largely responsible for Prabowo's resounding election victory last year — have little or no memory of Suharto's 1966-1998 New Order era. Prabowo openly praises Suharto, who was once his father-in-law, and is increasingly turning to the military to carry out his government's vision. Prabowo has also been accused of rights abuses while in the military, including involvement in the kidnapping of student activists during riots in 1998 — allegations he has repeatedly denied and which Fadli said had been debunked. Asvi Warman Adam, a leading historian who used to work at the National Research and Innovation Agency, said he was calling on academics to lobby lawmakers to scrutinize what he said would be "propaganda." "I suspect there is an intention to legitimize the ruling regime ... such as by excluding gross human rights violations in 1998 linked to Prabowo," he said, adding that he expected the government would soon confer the posthumous title of "National Hero" on Suharto. Asked about concerns by some analysts and historians that the books could be used as propaganda, be politicized and omit human rights abuses that have been linked to Prabowo and Suharto, Fadli said: "History will be written correctly." The president's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the new books. Prabowo has previously said that former activists were his supporters. Fadli, who has authored a book that defended Prabowo's actions as a special forces commander during Suharto's 32-year rule, added that neither he nor Prabowo would be involved in the editorial process. The books, which Fadli said were commissioned last year, will chronicle the history of humankind in Indonesia from homo erectus to Dutch colonization to Prabowo's election. They will be authored and edited by about 100 historians, and Fadli says he wants them ready by Aug. 17, Indonesia's Independence Day. Made Supriatma, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, said he believes the government will use the same playbook as Suharto, who released a six-volume book series in 1975 titled "The National History of Indonesia" that he said glorified the military and was fraught with inaccuracies. "Prabowo's history within this republic is not good, to be frank ... Do they dare to write that?" said Made. Jajat Burhanuddin, a historian involved in the project, said so far, there has been no state intervention. The 1998 kidnappings and torture of student activists would be included, he said, although he declined to say whether Prabowo would be mentioned in those accounts. Another key focus for historians will be how the books portray the mass killings of communists and sympathizers in 1965 and 1966, led by military and Islamic leaders. Some historians estimate more than half a million people were killed. No investigation has been conducted into the killings, which were in response to the murder of generals by the communist party in an abortive coup. Suharto rose to power in the aftermath and remained president until 1998, when he stepped down during a popular uprising and economic crisis after allegations of corruption and nepotism. The 1965 events continue to be debated in Indonesia. Fadli said the new books would not take a deeper look into the massacres. Fadli, who was among the student activists who demonstrated against Suharto, now speaks highly of the former ruler, highlighting economic achievements in his early presidency, including slashing poverty and tackling inflation. "My opinion has always been for a long time that Suharto should be considered a national hero," he said.
Japan Times
21-04-2025
- Japan Times
'Pandora's box': Alarm bells ring in Indonesia over rising military role
Greater military influence in government, reporters under threat and a stuttering economy — Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto's first six months in power have triggered alarm bells for activists worried about a return to the country's authoritarian roots. Last month, Indonesia's parliament amended a law allowing active-duty military personnel to work in 14 state institutions — up from 10 — including the attorney general's office, which rights groups say could weaken legal checks on military abuse. The decision has critics anxious that the world's third-largest democracy could hark back to the days of dictator Suharto, who ruled Indonesia with an iron fist for more than three decades. "The government does not realize that Indonesia has a collective trauma over (Suharto's) authoritarian New Order government," said Hussein Ahmad, deputy director of rights group Imparsial. Before Suharto was toppled by student-led protests in 1998, Prabowo was serving as a commander for an elite force to suppress unrest. He remains accused of human rights abuses, including allegations that he had ordered the abduction of activists at the end of Suharto's rule — which Prabowo has denied and never been charged for. He has since rehabilitated his image, and was elected last year on the hopes that he would continue the policies of popular predecessor Joko Widodo. Yet in the six months since coming into power, Prabowo's former life as a general has been thrust into the public eye. His administration's move to expand the military's role in government has raised eyebrows even within Indonesia's political elite. After Prabowo appointed government representatives to kick-start discussions of the law in parliament in February, former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said it used to be "taboo" for military personnel to enter politics. Regional heads take their oath of office during their inauguration by Prabowo at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta on Feb. 20. | AFP-JIJI "It was one of the doctrines that we issued back then ... If you want to do politics, resign," he told a meeting. Presidential spokesman Hasan Nasbi denied that the new law would regress Indonesia back to Suharto's era. "This law actually limits the role ... to 14 sectors that truly need the skills and expertise relevant to (military) training," he said, adding that the critics were "inaccurate." 'Silencing' journalists After his October inauguration, Prabowo paraded his Cabinet in military fatigues at a retreat. In November, his defense minister — also a former general accused of abuses under Suharto — announced that 100 battalions would be set up to enforce the government's agenda. And Prabowo has also faced backlash in recent months for slashing government budgets, as Indonesia's flailing economy is further hit by a plummeting rupiah and see-sawing markets in reaction to Washington's tariffs. Adding to worries is a new regulation issued last month allowing police to monitor foreign journalists and researchers. It gives the police the authority to provide a permission letter when reporting from "certain locations" — though a spokesperson later said the letter was "not mandatory.. But the regulation could still spook reporters working on sensitive topics, said Human Rights Watch's Andreas Harsono. "Journalism always goes hand-in-hand with democracy," Andreas said. "If journalism is suppressed, the freedom of speech is suppressed, democracy will be paralysed." The country's press flourished after the fall of Suharto, but local reporters have in recent weeks raised fears of an environment of intimidation. Last month, Tempo magazine — which publishes articles critical of the government — was sent a pig's head and six decapitated rats. Prabowo's spokesperson denied any government role in the incident, and said an investigation was ongoing. Tempo's website also started seeing cyber attacks this month after it published an investigation into some gambling companies in Cambodia and its links to Indonesian tycoons and politicians. Journalist Francisca Christy Rosana, who was doxxed in recent weeks, said they got the message loud and clear. "This terror was not just aimed at intimidating but silencing and stopping our work." 'Fed up' Thousands across Indonesia last month protested the new law, carrying posters that called for the military to "return to the barracks." Dismissing the public's outrage over the military's potential dual role in government as "nonsense," Prabowo said he respected the people's right to protest. But if the demonstrations "create chaos and unrest, in my opinion this is against the national interest," he said in an interview earlier this month. Andrie Yunus of KontraS, the commission for missing persons and victims of violence, said the demonstrations are "the tip of the iceberg." "Civilians are fed up with the entry of militarism into civilian affairs," he said, warning that the path to a military regime "is open." "We consider the passing of the (military law) to be an attempt to open Pandora's box."
