Elon Musk gets warm welcome from Anand Mahindra as Tesla enters Indian market
Tesla's arrival adds further momentum to the rapidly growing electric vehicle ecosystem in India, where Mahindra Electric is already a key player. With both global and domestic giants now in the game, the Indian EV space is poised for unprecedented innovation, consumer choice, and accelerated adoption.Mahindra is steadily establishing itself as a major force in the Indian EV market with models like the BE 6 and XUV 9e, and several more in development. While Tesla grabbed the spotlight today, Mahindra also made headlines recently with the unveiling of four concept vehicles—each symbolized by a distinct colour. These future models will be underpinned by the all-new Freedom NU platform, set to be officially unveiled on August 15, 2025. Expected to feature a monocoque chassis, this flexible platform is designed to support a wide range of powertrains, including petrol, diesel, electric, and hybrid, and will form the basis of several upcoming Mahindra SUVs aimed at both domestic and global markets.While Mahindra's future SUV concepts await official nameplates, Tesla has made its India debut with the launch of the Model Y in two variants — Rear Wheel Drive (RWD) and Long Range Rear Wheel Drive (LR RWD). The company has also released full specifications and pricing details on its official website.Battery and rangeThe Model Y is offered with two battery configurations. The RWD version comes equipped with a 60kWh LFP battery, delivering a claimed range of 500km per charge under the WLTP cycle. The LR RWD, on the other hand, gets a larger battery, providing a claimed range of 622km on a single charge.PerformanceBoth variants currently offered in India feature a single-motor setup. Despite that, performance remains impressive. The RWD version accelerates from 0 to 100 km/h in just 5.9 seconds, while the LR RWD does it slightly quicker at 5.6 seconds. Both versions have an electronically limited top speed of 201 km/h.Charging capabilitiesWhile Tesla has not yet confirmed the rollout of its Supercharger network in India, the brand claims that its ultra-fast DC chargers can replenish up to 238km of range on the RWD in just 15 minutes. The LR RWD can gain up to 267km in the same time using a Supercharger.Autonomous driving suiteadvertisementTesla will become the first automaker in India to offer a comprehensive self-driving system. Available as an optional add-on for 6 lakh, this Full Self-Driving suite is delivered via over-the-air updates. However, Tesla notes that some autonomous features may require regulatory clearance in specific regions, and further details will be provided closer to the vehicle's delivery schedule.Pricing and deliveriesAccording to Tesla's India website, the Model Y RWD is priced at Rs 59.89 lakh (ex-showroom, Delhi), while the LR RWD comes in at Rs 67.89 lakh (ex-showroom, Delhi). Stealth Grey is offered as the standard exterior color at no extra cost. Other paint options include:Pearl-White Multi-Coat and Diamond Black: Rs 95,000Glacier Blue: Rs 1.25 lakhQuicksilver and Ultra Red: Rs 1.85 lakhThe Full Self-Driving feature, as mentioned, costs Rs 6 lakh extra.Bookings require an initial non-refundable payment of Rs 22,220, followed by an additional Rs 3 lakh within seven days to confirm the order, also non-refundable.As per Tesla's schedule, deliveries for the RWD variant will begin in Q3 2025, while the LR RWD variant is expected to start reaching customers in Q4 2025.Subscribe to Auto Today Magazine- EndsTrending Reel
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Hindustan Times
27 minutes ago
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President Donald Trump's coercive tariffs on India and indulgence of Pakistan have turned euphoria about India-US partnership under his leadership into bewildered dismay and rage. The sequence and the corrosive language suggest that tariffs are a manifestation and expression of problems beyond trade. It also betrays our lack of economic leverage unlike China's. Various reasons have been attributed to his decisions that do not bear repeating here. There is politicisation of the relationship in the US not seen in the past three decades, with the White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, a Make America Great Again (MAGA) ideologue, joining the chorus of criticism on India's purchase of Russian oil. The Indian political and street mood is now, justifiably, furious at how the country has been treated by the US even as everyone realises the importance of that country and the bilateral relationship. (PTI) In India, there is domestic political impact due to the huge investment in the relationship; geopolitical ramifications because of the strategic bets we made in a shifting global environment; and, economic consequences from setback to exports and foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. Of equal concern is Pakistan. There have been multiple short-lived U-turns in the US-Pakistan relations that do not end well for either. But, every time US-Pakistan relations improve, Pakistan is emboldened in its military adventurism and terrorism against India. Pakistan also hopes to capitalise on President Trump's obsession with peace-making to inveigle him into mediating the 'Kashmir issue'. The government has been rightly firm on red lines for its sensitive sectors and sovereign choices, yet restrained in statements and open to negotiations. For a number of reasons, this is not a 1998 moment, but there are lessons from it. Amidst an absolute freeze then, India chose engagement over hostility. 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Tesla abruptly ends Dojo supercomputer as Musk shifts focus to next-gen AI chips - what went wrong with the project?
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Hindustan Times
27 minutes ago
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How should India respond to the challenges posed by the US tariffs of 50%? Some believe that this crisis presents an opportunity for India to implement deeper economic reforms aimed at enhancing the overall competitiveness of its economy. Others argue that India should intensify its efforts to integrate with non-American economies, such as the EU. Trump has inaugurated a new chapter in the global imperial project, which his successor may continue. Efforts are underway to establish new rules for international trade. (Bloomberg) While these measures are undoubtedly necessary, many Indian analysts overlook a larger issue — the new ideological contestation on the global stage aimed at reshaping international law norms governing world trade. Many believe that US President Donald Trump has upended the rule-based international trading order established by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). However, there is a prevailing belief that this disruption is temporary. Once Trump leaves office, the status quo would be restored. This view, however, is overly sanguine. There appears to be a bipartisan consensus among both Republicans and Democrats in the US regarding the substance of Trump's actions, even though they may differ in their approach. The Biden administration did little to revive the moribund WTO during its term from 2020 to 2024. Trump has inaugurated a new chapter in the global imperial project, which his successor may continue. Efforts are underway to establish new rules for international trade. This was made clear by ambassador Jamieson Greer, the US Trade Representative. Greer posits that the US has initiated a new 'Trump round' of trade negotiations that, unlike previous rounds at the GATT and WTO, will not rely on consensus-based decision-making. The key elements of this new global trade order include legitimising American coercion for deeper market access, establishing stronger links between trade and non-trade issues like labour, and, most importantly, implementing unilateral enforcement by the US, as opposed to the apolitical dispute settlement system employed by the WTO. If these rules of coercive capitalism become codified as a new international trade order, it could be disastrous for countries in the Global South, including India. Therefore, it is essential to engage in an ideological battle on the global stage against the radical American populist right. It is crucial to understand the intriguing relationship between imperialism and international law. The mainstream belief has been that there is a clear distinction between the imperial past and modern international law. The former is often viewed as a historical anomaly, while the latter is promoted as universal and liberal, representing a narrative of decolonisation and development. However, critical international lawyers argue that international law never severed its ties with its imperial and colonial history. Genealogy, they argue, plays a crucial role in shaping international law norms. Therefore, the expansion of capitalism has played a pivotal role in the growth of international law. As India's foremost international lawyer, B S Chimni, argues, akin to the 'spirit of capitalism' — capitalism's ability to reinvent itself in different phases — there is also a 'spirit of international law'. This spirit allows international law to evolve continually, ably disguising imperial ambitions within the narrative of progress. On one hand, international law presents itself as a universal tool that promotes the global common good and aims to establish a just world order. On the other hand, it also reinforces the imperial agendas of the Global North. The evolution of the multilateral trade order from the establishment of GATT in 1948 to the formation of the WTO in 1995 and beyond reflects the 'spirit of international law.' This rule-based international trade system, influenced by the assertiveness of the decolonised world, made several concessions to developing countries by recognising principles such as non-discrimination, special and differential treatment, preferential market access, and a depoliticized dispute settlement system that aims to resolve trade disputes without resorting to coercive trade diplomacy. Simultaneously, international trade law has promoted and exported American and European norms, leading to their universal adoption. A notable example is the treatment of intellectual property rights (IPR). Economist Robert Reich argues that private property is a fundamental element of the Western capitalist model based on free markets. Over time, the rules governing the protection of private property have expanded to include new types of property, such as IPR. International trade law has played a vital role in establishing binding rules for the global enforcement of IPR through the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement within the WTO. This framework primarily benefits the corporate interests of countries in the Global North, often at the expense of those in the Global South. Another significant example is agricultural trade. The US and the EU provide substantial subsidies to their agricultural sectors. They managed to include an Agreement on Agriculture in the WTO rulebook, allowing them to continue offering significant subsidies to their farmers. Despite its weaknesses, the WTO systemoffers a platform for deeper engagement and the possibility of reform. It provides an opportunity to mainstream the development argument and hold the Global North accountable in a depoliticised international court. The consensus-based decision-making process has mostly prevented the adoption of rules inimical to the developing world. However, the emerging global trade order appears to be unabashedly imperial, abandoning any pretensions of development and equity and sacrificing the spirit of international law. It unapologetically aims to legitimise unilateralism and coercion, validating the connection between imperialism and international law that critical international lawyers draw. Consequently, the Global South, particularly India, must engage in an ideological battle to defend the existing order. For India, the stakes extend beyond mere market access or a trade deal with the US. India must be at the vanguard in defending the WTO-based international trade system, which, while not perfect, is certainly preferable to the impending new imperial trade order. Prabhash Ranjan is professor and vice-dean (research), Jindal Global Law School, OP Jindal Global University. The views expressed are personal.
