logo
Yunus Hints At Early Elections For Bangladesh, Around February 2026, But...

Yunus Hints At Early Elections For Bangladesh, Around February 2026, But...

News18a day ago

Last Updated:
Muhammad Yunus mentioned that the feasibility of this earlier schedule hinges on 'enough progress' being made on essential political reforms in the coming months
In a significant development for Bangladesh's political landscape, interim leader Muhammad Yunus has suggested that the country's next national elections could occur as early as the week before Ramadan begins in February 2026. This expedited timeline follows his recent announcement that the polls would take place around April next year. Yunus mentioned that the feasibility of this earlier schedule hinges on 'enough progress" being made on essential political reforms in the coming months.
The statement was released jointly from Yunus's office after a high-profile meeting in London with Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). As the main opposition party, the BNP's active participation is crucial for the legitimacy and inclusivity of the upcoming elections. This meeting signals a potential easing of political tensions and a willingness among key stakeholders to engage in discussions about the electoral process.
Although Yunus did not provide specific details about the reforms, they are generally understood to include measures to ensure free, fair, and credible elections. For years, the BNP and its allies have demanded a neutral caretaker government to oversee the elections, a major point of contention that led to the party boycotting the general elections in 2014 and 2018. While Yunus heads an interim administration in Bangladesh, the focus on 'reforms" suggests ongoing discussions about the independence of the electoral commission, voter registration processes, and ensuring equal opportunities for all political parties.
The timing of the elections, scheduled before Ramadan, is also a critical factor. Holding elections prior to the holy month would allow for a dedicated campaign period and polling without the logistical and social complexities that often arise during Ramadan, which begins around late February or early March in 2026.
The polls will take place without the participation of the Awami League, Bangladesh's former ruling party, which remains banned under Yunus's government.
Earlier this month, prosecutors officially charged former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina with crimes against humanity for her alleged role in violent crackdowns during the 2024 uprising.
(With agency inputs)
About the Author
News Desk
Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from geopolitics to diplomacy and global trends. Stay informed with the latest world news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated!
First Published:
June 14, 2025, 04:40 IST
News world Yunus Hints At Early Elections For Bangladesh, Around February 2026, But...

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It
The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It

News18

time9 hours ago

  • News18

The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It

Last Updated: The 'Joy Bangla' Deception is divided into four clearly defined sections, with a logically progressive narrative that unfolds before you, presenting a highly disturbing picture The complete title of the book under consideration is The 'Joy Bangla' Deception—Bangladeshi Islamism Under the Façade of Bengali Nationalism. I generally do not begin a book review with criticism. But this time I make an exception. The cover does not do justice to the book and its content. It does not capture the intensity of the work done by the two authors, Kausik Gangopadhyay and Devavrata. So, my first request to the readers is not to go by the dull, uninspiring cover; just grab a copy and study it, not just read it. The book shook me up, like none other in recent times. I must confess that I, too, was going by the generally accepted narrative of Bangladeshi nationalism, the secular nature of Mujibur Rehman's politics. I was not so much aware of the bloody trail of the history of Bengal, divided into East Pakistan and West Bengal, and the new avatar of the Muslim League's two-nation theory—Bangladesh. Abdul Mansur Ahmad, a Muslim Bengali leader, notes, after Bangladesh was created, 'Neither Pakistan is broken by the liberation or Bangladesh, nor 'Two Nation Theory' was proven false. Instead of one Pakistan, two Pakistans have happened as per Lahore Resolution. The GOI has assisted us to realise the Lahore Resolution and we are grateful to them. The Lahore Resolution does not mention the word Pakistan, only 'Muslim Majority state'." If a person like me, who has done research on the northeast region of Bharat, which means I also had to study West Bengal and a little about East Pakistan (later Bangladesh), had only a limited idea about the ideology behind Awami League and the level of violent persecution of Hindus, I can imagine what an ordinary Indian knows. I was aware of Bouddh Chakmas but not to the extent that this book exposes. Hindu Bengalis of West Bengal may be aware, but they have chosen to gulp down the tablet called Amnesia to sleep well and forget about what their own families went through and what their unfortunate brethren are facing in Bangladesh even today. Tathagata Roy explains this mentality in his book. The dedication of the book gives you a hint that you are getting into uncharted territories. It is dedicated to the Bengali humanist bloggers, writers, and activists, of whom 11 are dead; of these, only one is Hindu. And survivors, all of whom are Muslims, have been exiled from their country. You also realise that there are still some Muslims out there who believe in humanity, coexistence, and truth. The introduction of the book makes you uneasy. You feel lost because you have no clue of the context, about which you are ignorant. Ideally, read the introduction after reading a few chapters; it will make more sense. The 'Joy Bangla' Deception is divided into four clearly defined sections, with a logically progressive narrative that unfolds before you, presenting a highly disturbing picture. There are 14 chapters and a very elaborate section of endnotes, not found in many books. As a critic, I can only say that it is too academic because it is written by academicians. But on the positive side, this academic approach saves the book from falling into the trap of emotional storytelling or raising tempers. It is a harsh story, told calmly, as it is. The first section, The Propaganda of 'Joy Bangla', destroys many images of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman that we hold dear, and opens your mind with evidence based on the true political character of Mujib and his friends. One is surprised that our people never went beyond the disappointment of Jogendra Nath Mandal, who returned to Bharat and died an unsung, unhappy soul. Even this story was seen as a footnote in the history of partition, about which hardly anyone talked until recently. Maulana Bhashani, the guiding light of the Muslim Awami League, later renamed as Awami League, time and again asserts that he may be called a socialist or a communist, but he remains a Muslim to the core. He says, 'Indians are the greatest enemy of Bengali Muslims." He notes that Mujib once assured him, 'I remained a lifelong Muslim Leaguer." He proved it when he did not give permission for the rebuilding of the huge Ramna Kali temple, destroyed by the Pakistani army in 1971 after the liberation of Bangladesh. He, in fact, bulldozed the remaining temple and built a garden, naming it in memory of Suhrawardy, the butcher of Bengal. Leaders of Bangladesh were and are clear all through that Bangladesh may not be an Islamic state, but it is a Muslim state nonetheless. Bengali nationalism was invented to overcome the Hindu resistance against the Muslim Awami League. The oft-repeated theory that neglect of the Bengali language was the cause of the rise of Bengali nationalist sentiment is also stripped of its validity by the writers with evidence that Bengali had become the second national language in 1956 and was given equal space in the government. The fact is, the bold voice that called for the Bengali language was not a Muslim but a Hindu leader, Dhirendranath Datta. Once a powerful elected leader from East Pakistan days, he died a lonely man, and his property has since been taken over by the Muslims, like so many other properties of Hindus. The real issue was the exploitation of East Pakistan's economy by West Pakistan and the division of political power between the two wings. Since a separate Hindu electorate with a sizable number of seats was dissolved, Hindus were left with a choice between a radical Muslim party or the Awami League, which succeeded in projecting a moderate face. The book discloses that right after partition, isolation and weakening of Hindus had begun. There was sustained economic deprivation that impoverished most of the Hindus. Their properties were taken away under the Enemy Properties Act. This Act was never removed by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, only renamed. The desecration of Hindu homes of great Bengali leaders of the current West Bengal and Bangladeshi Hindus is a who's who list. Academic research papers have been written on this topic by independent Bangladeshi scholars, most of whom are Muslims. So, the news of the desecration of Rabindranath Tagore's home is not a surprise for the observers of Bangladesh's history. It is a continuity of the same process. Do not be surprised if, under Muhammad Yunus, you find Amar Sonar Bangla removed as the national anthem. Islamists are waiting for the right time. The churn in Bengali society and its Islamist element is brought out well by Humayun Azad, a noted intellectual, in 1990: 'Muslims of this country after some time, became Muslim Bengali, then Bengali Muslims, and then Bengali. Now again, they are reverting, from Bengali to Bengali Muslim, from Bengali Muslim to Muslim Bengali and from Muslim Bengali to Muslim." This intriguing line explains the tragedy of Bangladesh succinctly, and more particularly of Bangladeshi Hindus. The current designs of Bangladesh Islamists were laid before the world by Maulana Bhashani in 1972: 'Assam is mine, West Bengal is mine, and Tripura is mine too. Until those regions are liberated back from India, neither the liberation of Bangladesh nor its map is complete." The book is full of such surprising and disturbing quotes that you may not have read so far in any book on Bengal or Bangladesh. They answer many of the questions that one faces while reading or hearing about disturbances in Bangladesh and the misfortune of Bengali Hindus. The writers assert that the only solution is to reclaim Bengaliness from the Islamic appropriation. As you move through the book, you are taken through the brutal persecution of Hindus, sustained killing and deprivation of Hindus, the fake history of Bengali nationalism of Bangladesh Muslim leaders, and the ambitious Islamist dreams of Bangladesh leaders. I can only say that sedatives are not a cure for a sickness. One needs to take a strong dose of bitter medicines or maybe undergo an operation to get cured of the cancer that is eating away at the core of the sacred land of Bharat, which inspired countless people to struggle for the renaissance of Hindu dharma and fight for freedom. The reviewer is a well-known author and political commentator. He has written several books on RSS, like RSS 360, Sangh & Swaraj, RSS: Evolution from an Organisation to a Movement, Conflict Resolution: The RSS Way, and done a PhD on RSS. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : bangladesh bengali Muslim pakistan West Bengal Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 14, 2025, 19:39 IST News opinion Book Review | The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It

Bangladesh: Yunus' exclusive talks with BNP leader irks two major allies
Bangladesh: Yunus' exclusive talks with BNP leader irks two major allies

Time of India

time9 hours ago

  • Time of India

Bangladesh: Yunus' exclusive talks with BNP leader irks two major allies

A meeting between Bangladesh Chief Adviser Mumammad Yunus with BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman has irked two major allies of the interim government, the student-led NCP and Jamaat-e-Islami. Yunus returned to Bangladesh on Saturday ending his four-day London tour, which featured the meeting with Rahman, the acting chief of former prime minister Khaleda Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). After the meeting with Rahman, BNP leader Amir Kharsu Mahmud Chowdhury and Yunus' security adviser Khalilur Rahman held a joint briefing and hinted that elections could be held in February next year. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like War Thunder - Register now for free and play against over 75 Million real Players War Thunder Play Now Undo Both Jamaat and National Citizen Party (NCP) have termed the meeting in London on Friday between Yunus and the BNP leader as his bias towards a particular party. BNP is the arch rival of the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina 's Awami League. In a statement on Saturday, Jamaat termed the joint press briefing by representatives of both Yunus and Rahman as a "breach of political norms" since the interim government chief particularly advanced the election time deviating from the deadline he announced last week in Dhaka. Live Events "Through this, he (Yunus) has expressed special affection for a party (BNP), which has undermined his impartiality," the statement said, adding that instead of announcing the new deadline on the foreign soil, he should have done it after consulting other parties on his return home. The NCP, which was launched in February, on Friday night said people would not accept any election date before the implementation of the proposed July Charter, referring to last year's violent student-led agitation that toppled Hasina's regime. Hasina fled to India on August 5 and three days later, Yunus assumed charge as the chief of the interim government. The NCP emerged as a political offshoot of Students Against Discrimination (SAD). The NCP said the Yunus-Rahman meeting laid more importance on the election deadline but the "people's main demand" in the post-Hasina regime "namely justice and reform, did not receive the same importance", adding "the NCP finds this very disappointing." The BNP, several other parties and the military had been mounting pressure on Yunus to conduct general elections by December. He, however, in a nationwide address last week, said the polls would be held in April next year. Yunus previously said the polls would be held in between December 2024 or June 2025 following the reforms and justice or the trial of the deposed regime leaders were completed. The Jamaat statement said it was "morally inappropriate" for Yunus as the head of the interim government to hold a joint press briefing with a single party and added that such actions raised doubts among people about fairness and neutrality of the upcoming election process. The statement came after a meeting of the party's Central Executive Council was held on Saturday morning. The NCP, on the other hand, said it repeatedly observed that the government is giving priority to the position and demands of "only one political party" on the election issue. "We believe that holding the National Assembly elections without a clear roadmap for the formulation of the 'July Proclamation', the implementation of the 'July Charter' and the implementation of the trial will turn the popular uprising into a mere transfer of power and will suppress the people's desire for state building," the NCP statement read. Yunus' interim government had disbanded Awami League until its leaders were exposed to punitive actions for what it claimed were their brutal actions to tame the uprising. Most Awami leaders were arrested, some went underground or fled abroad as the interim government initiated a process to try them, including Hasina, in Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal on charges like crimes against humanity.

Bangladesh post-Yunus: Is the Army waiting in the wings?
Bangladesh post-Yunus: Is the Army waiting in the wings?

First Post

time12 hours ago

  • First Post

Bangladesh post-Yunus: Is the Army waiting in the wings?

Gen Uz-Zaman seems to have convinced his nation – and the international community – that he was not plotting to overthrow the civilian government, even if unelected. However, that may still happen if the Yunus dispensation discovers new reasons and justifications to put off the promised poll by the promised time read more As far as elections are concerned, octogenarian Yunus has already declared that he would not contest. That makes things easier for others but not for those who hoisted him to power. Image: AP On the face of it, Bangladesh's chief advisor, Mohamed Yunus, has successfully thwarted army chief Gen Waker-Uz-Zaman's bid to re-democratise the nation by declaring national elections between December and June next. Earlier, the 'good general' had set a December deadline for the self-styled civilian government to conduct elections and transfer power. The fact is that the army chief has actually won the first round between the two. Rather, it was the open first round, as he only seemed wanting to make Yunus commit himself to a deadline for completing the election process and re-democratise public administration. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In a way, it was his second victory. The unacknowledged first victory occurred when the Yunus government had to retain Gen Uz-Zaman as army chief after the latter had helped Awami League (AL) Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to leave the country at the height of the nationwide anti-Hasina protests that caused more death and destruction on the streets than any other popular protests in the past. The mayhem continued for a long time when pro-government student activists, who formed the core of new ministers, continued killing Awami League leaders and their families and burnt down their homes and businesses. Soon it degraded to anti-Hindu riots, and all of it quietened after a time when India protested loud and clear. The new Dhaka leadership read the writing on the wall. But the riots and mayhem also showed the world the kind of fate that awaited Sheikh Hasina if sent back home to Dhaka from India, where she had taken shelter. After all, global memory is not as short as often believed. The world pretty well remembered how Gen Zia-ul-Haq had overthrown Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was executed under court orders in a trumped-up case in Pakistan, also in this part of the world. Now, when Team Yunus is repeatedly reminding India to send Hasina back to stand trial in multiple criminal cases, where the death sentence is the maximum penalty, the world understands and appreciates New Delhi's reluctance. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Radicals, manageable Gen Uz-Zaman seems to have convinced his nation – and more so the international community – that he was not plotting to overthrow the civilian government, even if unelected. That may still happen if the Yunus dispensation discovers new reasons and justifications to put off the promised poll by the promised time. Yet, the general belief is that even if the army took over power in Bangladesh now or a little later, as long as the incumbent continues in that place, he would use the occasion only to hand over power to an elected dispensation as soon as possible. Since the political coup in August last year, there are enough indications that the instability outside has not rocked the boat with the armed forces. That is saying a lot. Whether it is a civilian rule now or a military dispensation – for argument's sake – the nation's economy is so messy that no one wants to step in. Unlike the Pakistani parent, with which Yunus is getting uncomfortably chummy along with China, the armed forces in Bangladesh, while being powerful, do not have as many business interests. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD More importantly, a couple of decades of democracy – including the controversial later part under Hasina – have sort of imbibed the values of the people. Even the anti-Hasina protests were for more democracy, which is why it succeeded more than the plotters from outside the country and perpetrators from within might have imagined. Thus, even interest groups in the armed forces desirous of perpetuating a fundamentalist religious agenda for the nation seem clear about having to live with democracy and hence Gen Uz-Zaman, too. Yet, there is no denying that there are those radical/extremist elements in the armed forces, too, but their numbers seem to be 'manageable'. Strong second line Team Yunus has already banned Awami League from entering the election fray. A free and fair election cannot happen unless the AL is restored the freedom to contest, even if Hasina is not given the option to return home as a free bird. There is no knowing if her party cadres would feel encouraged to contest as Independents, as has been the case under similar circumstances elsewhere. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD That should leave the Opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the democratic favourite. In her late seventies and ailing, Khaleda is sick, but the party, unlike the AL, has a strong second line capable of stepping in. That includes Begum's son, Tarique Rahman, considered radical and fundamentalist compared to his mother. Begum Zia used such ones as the Jamaat-i-Islami only as allies to win elections. She did not seem to suffer from their ideological orientation. For their part, the radical students' groups that forced Hasina's exit have announced the formation of a political party, indicating the compulsion on them, too, for democratic mainstreaming. It is still questionable if their leaders would have the experience and expertise to run an elected government in difficult times, especially given their radicalism and prejudices – including against India. Desecrating Tagore Yunus' pushing the army's deadline for early elections by six months seems also to obtain time for the student groups to organise themselves into a political party. It is not just about the organisational structure alone. It is a mind-set that they need to change. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It is about learning new things that most of them are unfamiliar with. Today, they are running a government under duress, as independent bureaucrats are too scared to give their considered view on issues. The continued desecration, first of Hasina's father, 'Bangabandhu' Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's statue, and now targeting the hereditary properties of Rabindranath Tagore, displays the kind of warped mindset that is at work. Tagore is just not a Bengali poet who won the Nobel Prize in his time. Instead, Tagore holds the unique status as the author of the national anthems of two nations at independence – of India first and Bangladesh later. The desecration of Tagore's ancestral properties, now in Bangladesh, sends out a different message in context. What is next in store remains to be seen. Questions, no answers As far as elections are concerned, octogenarian Yunus has already declared that he would not contest. That makes things easier for others but not for those who hoisted him to power, from both within the country and outside. Literally, he was 'para-dropped' in Dhaka after Hasina had left. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If Yunus is going to keep his word, then who will succeed him, especially in an elected dispensation? Can there be an 'inclusive elections' without lifting the ban on Awami League, if not personally on Hasina? Indications were that the army too desired the same but has not come out in the open with its agenda for free and inclusive elections – in which they should show interest for sure. Without Sheikh Hasina, the field is wide open for the BNP and Khaleda on the one side and multiple groups that want to form a political party on the other. This is not to forget the entrenched fundamentalist outfit in the Jamaat, which may not want to dissolve its historic identity and opportunity in a small coterie that does not know where to go next. This raises more questions than answers. Traditional sphere The clock began ticking for Bangladesh as a nation long ago, when the economy began losing its earlier gains, mainly due to the Covid lockdown – but never retrieved lost ground. The anti-Hasina protests were thus timed for channelising the anti-incumbency against her government, where democracy deficit was only one aspect. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Hasina has since named names about those behind the plot against her. She has conceded earlier speculation that she was toppled because she refused to hand over St Martin Island to the US for military purposes. From an Indian perspective, any US interest in St Martin Island or any such move aimed at possessing a strategic asset in and around India's 'traditional sphere of influence' is only one rung below the Chinese attitude and approach in such matters. Unlike China, which dumps good money after bad, the US continues to do it through arm-twisting, one way or the other. In recent times, as witnessed in Sri Lanka two years prior to the 'Bangladesh revolution', US interests, as different from their Western friends and counterparts, have made 'mass-uprising' a cause for 'regime-change' when their camp-followers for the present especially are not popular enough to win elections and capture power through democratic means. Street anarchy seems to be their way; in the current edition, after earlier, poll-based attempts at 'regime change' did not produce the desired results. In a small way, India is caught between the US and China, which are fighting their war of supremacy in India's waters, in India's region, without firing a single shot as yet. They are loath to do it in their common Pacific Ocean region, which they seem to want to leave undisturbed and unmolested as long as they can. Nations like Bangladesh in our neighbourhood become chosen yet unwitting victims of the same. That is the larger picture for you – but then, when it comes to mending the smaller picture, where it all should still begin, it is in the hands of Bangladeshis, the political class, armed forces and the rest of them all included! The writer is a Chennai-based Policy Analyst & Political Commentator. Email: sathiyam54@ Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store