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First Post
a day ago
- Politics
- First Post
How Yunus's bowing to foreign powers, Islamist backers is destroying Bangladesh's future
Muhammad Yunus is at best a toothless figurehead, unable to quell the chaos, and at worst a pliable pawn in the hands of foreign powers; his government's failures—amnesty for rioters, media crackdowns, and delayed elections— are paving the way for a darker, divided Bangladesh read more Not long ago, Bangladesh was rocked by massive protests under the guise of student rights, demanding reform of a job quota system but spiralling into chaos that ousted Sheikh Hasina, branded a dictator, and unleashed vicious anti-Hindu violence. What began in July 2024 as university students challenging a 30 per cent job reservation for 1971 war veterans' descendants turned into a deadly anti-government uprising by August, forcing Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee to India. As law enforcement collapsed, mobs targeted the 8 per cent Hindu minority, seen as Awami League allies, with 2,010 attacks across 52 districts, including 157 Hindu homes looted or burnt, 69 temples vandalised, and at least five Hindus killed. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate once celebrated as the 'banker to the poor', was thrust into Bangladesh's interim leadership on August 8, 2024, as the answer to Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian tenure, a saviour who would heal a nation torn by protests and restore faith in governance. Student leaders and activists saw the 84-year-old economist's global reputation and microfinance legacy as a ticket to stability and fair elections, a 'second Victory Day' in his own lofty words. Leaders may have also used Yunus as a symbolic mask to present a favourable image to the West. But to call Yunus a disappointment is far too generous—his tenure has been a masterclass in failure, letting anti-Hindu violence rage unchecked while rolling out repressive policies that have plunged Bangladesh into fresh chaos. For more than a week, Dhaka's streets have been choking under the weight of massive rallies led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party's (BNP's) youth wings—Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal, and Swechchhasebak Dal—demanding political rights for the young and a clear path to elections. As Muhammad Yunus jetted off to Japan, lakhs of supporters, draped in green, yellow, and red, flooded Nayapaltan, waving flags and chanting for BNP's exiled leader Tarique Rahman, who railed against the interim government's failures via a virtual address. The air crackled with frustration—roads from Shahbagh to Motijheel were paralysed, commuters stranded for hours, as the youth vented their rage against Yunus's delays, accusing his regime of clinging to power while sidestepping the 'democratic' roadmap. This wasn't just a rally; it was a warning shot, a sea of voices shouting that Bangladesh's patience is wearing thin. The protests didn't stop at Nayapaltan—anger boiled over at Dhaka's heavily guarded secretariat, where government employees revolted against Yunus's draconian ordinance allowing swift dismissals for 'misconduct', a move reeking of Hasina's old playbook. Torch-lit marches and sit-ins erupted, with bureaucrats slamming the law as a gag on dissent, their shouts echoing through the capital's gridlocked streets. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD General Waker-Uz-Zaman, the army chief, piled on the pressure, publicly demanding December elections, while BNP leaders like Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury warned of a deepening crisis without a vote. Caught between calls for reform and the clamour for polls, Yunus's government—despite planning adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud's insistence that he won't quit—looks increasingly like a ship adrift, its promises of stability drowned out by the growing roar of a nation fed up with waiting. Muhammad Yunus's interim government, despite its lofty promises of a democratic dawn, reveals a shaky commitment to those very values, casting doubt on the true motives behind the 2024 uprising that ousted Sheikh Hasina. The student protests, initially cloaked in the noble garb of reform, now seem a façade for something more sinister—a power grab dressed up as revolution. The so-called student protests that convulsed Bangladesh in July 2024, toppling Sheikh Hasina's government, were not the spontaneous outcry of a generation seeking justice but a meticulously orchestrated operation by the CIA, with Pakistan's ISI playing a willing accomplice. Hasina's refusal to grant the United States access to Saint Martin's Island in the Bay of Bengal for a military base—a strategic foothold to counter China's growing influence—had irked Washington. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Declassified cables from 2023 reveal US pressure on Dhaka for a naval facility, met with Hasina's firm stance to preserve Bangladesh's sovereignty, citing the island's ecological sensitivity and tourism value. Enter the CIA, adept at engineering unrest, and the ISI, Pakistan's seasoned hand at destabilising neighbours. The protests, sparked over a job quota system, were amplified by coordinated social media campaigns—fanning student anger into a full-blown uprising. Pakistan's defence minister Khawaja Asif's candid admission in an interview, 'We've been doing this dirty work for the United States for decades,' lays bare the playbook: just as Pakistan funnelled US funds to radicalise Afghanistan in the 1980s, it now bankrolled chaos in Bangladesh, training agitators in Chittagong camps and funnelling $10 million through NGOs to fuel the protests. The CIA emerged triumphant, neutralising a leader who defied its geopolitical ambitions, while Pakistan tightened its grip over Bangladesh, a nation it once ruled as East Pakistan. The real losers, however, were Bangladesh's youth, duped into believing Hasina was a Stalin-esque tyrant crushing their rights. They were pawns, their idealism weaponised by foreign hands promising progress but delivering ruin. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Post-Hasina, radical Islamic forces—emboldened by the power vacuum and ISI-backed networks like Jamaat-e-Islami—have surged, torching homes and temples while liberal Muslims face death threats for speaking out. Yunus's interim government, far from a democratic saviour, has ceded ground to these extremists, its amnesty for rioters and media crackdowns proving the revolution was never about reform. Bangladesh, once on a path to stability, now teeters on the edge of radicalisation, its youth betrayed by the very forces they thought would set them free, while the CIA and ISI watch their gambit unfold with cold satisfaction. India's principled decision to grant refuge to Sheikh Hasina in August 2024 stands as a testament to its commitment to regional stability and moral clarity, recognising her role in keeping Bangladesh's radical forces at bay while fiercely guarding its sovereignty against foreign encroachment. Hasina, for all her flaws, held the line against extremist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, curbing their influence and fostering economic growth, while rejecting US demands for a military base on Saint Martin's Island. By forcing her out, protestors backed by the CIA and ISI have hurled Bangladesh into a vortex of perennial instability, with anti-Hindu violence surging and radical Islamists gaining ground. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Muhammad Yunus, the interim chief advisor, is at best a toothless figurehead, unable to quell the chaos, and at worst a pliable pawn in the hands of foreign powers, his government's failures—amnesty for rioters, media crackdowns, and delayed elections—are paving the way for a darker, divided Bangladesh, while India stands firm as a beacon of reason amid the region's self-inflicted wounds. The writer takes special interest in history, culture and geopolitics. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Mint
a day ago
- Politics
- Mint
Bangladesh election: Muhammad Yunus sets deadline; India asks to hold ‘inclusive, free, fair' polls — Key points to know
India called for the early holding of free, fair, and inclusive elections in Bangladesh, while raising concerns over the neighbouring country's ban on Sheikh Hasina's Awami League. Bangladesh's chief advisor Muhammad Yunus has assured that the nationwide polls will take place between December 2025 and June 26 as political parties continue to pressure him to set a poll date. The elections are due in Bangladesh after former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was ousted last year following a nationwide protest. Yunus had then taken over as the head of the interim government on August 8, 2024. Here's all the latest you need to know about elections in Bangladesh: 1. Acknowledging the call for parliamentary elections in Bangladesh, Yunus said earlier that they could be held by June next year. During his visit to Japan, the interim chief announced that the next national elections will be held 'any time between December and June next year.' 'Prof Yunus told Taro Aso that the election will be held between December and June. He has set a six-month time frame and the election will be conducted within that period,' Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam was quoted by Dhaka Tribune as saying. 2. Last week, the Bangladesh Election Commission (EC) issued a directive prohibiting Awami League and its affiliates from carrying out political activities, including rallies and conferences, until Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal completes its proceedings. The court was set up in 2009 by Hasina to investigate crimes committed by the Pakistani army during Bangladesh's war for independence in 1971. "We have suspended Bangladesh Awami League registration [as a political party] in line with the home ministry notification", Aktar Ahmed, Senior Secretary of the Election Commission, told the reporters. 3. The Awami League rejected 'this decision of the fascist dictator Yunus government.' The party said in a statement, '...we express firm commitment that the Bangladesh Awami League will continue to conduct its activities properly, ignoring this decision of the fascist Yunus government.' 4. Amid the political uprising in Bangladesh, India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on Thursday (May 29) refuted Mohammad Yunus' claims that 'Indian media delegitimises transitional leadership.' The statement came as Yunus alleged that external factors, including India, might be behind efforts to destabilise the country. According to ANI, Yunus said there were "relentless efforts to destabilise Bangladesh" both internally and externally, leading to a "war-like situation." "When statements of this sort come, it seems like you want to deflect in another direction from your own challenges related to governance there — and to blame others by saying that these extraneous issues caused by others are the reason for these problems — does not solve the issue," MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said on Thursday. 5. The MEA spokesperson also urged Bangladesh to hold an inclusive, free, and fair election at an early date to ascertain the people's will and mandate. Jaiswal stated, "On Bangladesh, we have articulated our position very clearly, as far as elections in Bangladesh are concerned, and we have done so consistently. Bangladesh needs to ascertain the will and mandate of the people by holding an inclusive, fair and free election at an early date." 6. The Ministry of External Affairs earlier called Bangladesh's ban on the Awami League as "concerning". MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said on May 13, 'The ban on the Awami League without due process is a concerning development.' 'As a democracy, India is naturally concerned about the curtailment of democratic freedoms and shrinking political space. We strongly support the early holding of free, fair and inclusive elections in Bangladesh," Jaiswal said. 7. Meanwhile, the head of a newly launched political party told Reuters that the Bangladesh's interim government has been unable to fully ensure public safety and holding a general election this year will be difficult. "In the past seven months, we all expected the policing system, law and order to be restored through short-term reforms. It has happened to an extent, but not up to our expectations," said Nahid Islam, the head of Jatiya Nagorik Party or National Citizens' Party (NCP) and former student leader. "In the current law and order situation and policing system, I don't think it is possible to hold a national election," the 26-year-old said in his first interview as NCP head at his government-provided villa in Dhaka. 8. The National Citizens' Party (NCP) has said that elections in Bangladesh must take place only after the completion of reforms. According Daily Star, NCP Chief Coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari said earlier that it is possible to implement the electoral reforms and hold elections within the timeframe set by Yunus. 9. However, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia wants polls held by December. The party said it continued support for Yunus' government would be "difficult" without a firm election plan. 10. As per Dhaka Tribune, BNP chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia expressed hope that democracy will soon be restored in Bangladesh. Bangladesh's ailing former Prime Minister Zia returned to the country from London early may after four months of medical treatment, adding to pressure for its interim leaders to hold elections. Zia and Hasina have alternately ruled Bangladesh as prime ministers since 1991 when the country returned to a democracy after the ouster of authoritarian President H.M. Ershad. 11. Recently, rumours surfaced that Yunus was considering stepping down. It was claimed that Bangladesh's de facto prime minister has expressed concerns over the political parties not reaching a 'common ground'. Dismissing the rumours, acting head of the planning ministry, Wahiduddin Mahmud, told reporters as per AlJazeera: 'The chief adviser [Yunus] is staying with us – he hasn't said he'll resign – and the other advisers are also staying; we are here to carry out the responsibilities given to us.'
News18
a day ago
- Politics
- News18
Yunus Regime's Political Vendetta Deepens Bangladesh Crisis
Last Updated: The interim government's political vendetta has become increasingly apparent, as has the growing shadow of disapproval cast over the Yunus administration The interim government has now been in power for nine months, yet Bangladesh remains trapped in a cycle of political turmoil and uncertainty. On one side, political parties are more fragmented than ever before, while on the other, the interim administration continues to struggle with addressing the country's persistent socio-economic and political challenges. Although the interim government was established with broad consensus among civil society, political leaders, and the military following the mass uprising of 2024, the interim government under Muhammad Yunus has faced considerable difficulties since its formation. Indeed, much of the disorder that has engulfed the nation since last August can be attributed to the Yunus administration. While there was initial enthusiasm for a reformed Bangladesh, free from its authoritarian legacy, the interim government has largely proven to be a passive administration, repeatedly mired in controversy. It could be argued that the criticisms directed at the Yunus administration originate from remnants of the deposed Hasina regime. Yunus has secured considerable support from global leaders, thereby legitimising the interim government and receiving strong endorsement primarily from Western countries in its pursuit of reforms and conduct of elections. Nonetheless, domestically, the legislative initiatives intended to implement reforms have encountered opposition not only from some of the very factions that contributed to the establishment of the interim government but also from international human rights organisations. Key legislative measures include the Cyber Protection Ordinance, amendments to the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, and the Anti-Terrorism Act. The state of media freedom in Bangladesh remains deeply concerning, with numerous reports of violence, harassment, censorship, and prosecution of journalists and media outlets. Often these outlets are being accused by the interim government as collaborators with the Awami League—contradicting its commitment to uphold press freedom. The introduction of the Cyber Protection Ordinance, which replaced the contentious Cyber Security Act (CSA), quickly sparked apprehension regarding the government's surveillance practices under the guise of enhancing cyber security. Organisations such as Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) criticised the ordinance for being approved without adequate public consultation and for retaining CSA's surveillance provisions, thereby posing a potential threat to media freedom in the future. This development coincided with the interim government's cancellation of press accreditation for 167 journalists and the filing of charges of 'crimes against humanity" against 25 journalists due to their alleged links with the Awami League government, provoking condemnation from human rights groups. Media freedom remains a critical concern, exhibiting patterns reminiscent of the previous administration. The most recent report by the Rights and Risk Analysis Group (RRAG), published on World Press Freedom Day 2025—when Bangladesh ranked 149th out of 180 countries—revealed that in the eight months under Dr Yunus's interim government, 640 journalists were targeted. The administration's efforts to suppress media critical of Yunus have involved not only branding them as pro-Awami League but also revoking press accreditations, resorting to violence, and levying criminal charges including money laundering, criminal offences, and terrorism. Consequently, urgent media reforms demand serious and immediate attention. The amendment of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act through an ordinance extended the powers of investigative offices to conduct searches and seize evidence without prior approval from the tribunal. Additionally, the new ordinance authorised the tribunal to freeze and confiscate the assets of the accused. More recently, a second amendment introduced provisions allowing the trial and punishment of 'organisations' for crimes within the tribunal's jurisdiction. In essence, these amendments enhanced the tribunal's authority to ban organisations, confiscate their properties, and suspend their registration if found guilty of crimes against humanity. Initially, political parties were included in the ordinance, but this was subsequently removed to avoid political controversy. Nonetheless, these amendments—particularly the second—have attracted significant criticism from human rights organisations such as Human Rights Watch (HRW), which argue that they undermine fundamental human rights. Concerns have been raised that these changes could be exploited as tools for political repression of opposition groups, lacking adequate accountability, thus posing a threat to democratic principles. The ban on the Awami League has only reinforced this scepticism. On the 11th of this month, the interim government approved the draft ordinance of the Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Act, introducing a new provision to prohibit activities of individuals or 'entities' involved in terrorism, thereby granting the government extensive powers to regulate political activities. Just one day earlier, the interim government imposed a ban on the 'activities" of the Awami League amid increasing pressure from the Nationalist Communist Party (NCP) and Islamic parties. The ordinance, approved overnight, revised the existing Anti-Terrorism Act of 2009 and was subsequently used on 12 May to officially disband the Awami League, providing a clear indication of arbitrary targeting and suppression without accountability. This action provoked widespread condemnation from foreign governments, international human rights organisations, as well as domestic political leaders and analysts. The systematic targeting of Awami League leaders, activists, and supporters—who have faced mob violence over the past nine months—has sparked concern and criticism over the interim government's failure to prevent the country's descent into lawlessness. Instead, through the launch of Operation Devil Hunt aimed at curbing mob attacks, the interim government appeared to be settling political scores by arresting a disproportionate number of League sympathisers. The banning of a political party mirrored the authoritarian tactics of the deposed government, now widely labelled 'fascist', fuelling fears of a further erosion of democratic space. Moreover, the interim government's ordinance on enforced disappearance has also faced criticism for lacking public consultation, accountability measures, and failing to address past abuses. The interim government's recent legislative initiatives, presented as reforms, amount to little more than old wine in new bottles. While political parties in Bangladesh remain divided on the issue, international human rights organisations have been unequivocal in their criticism—these measures pose a significant threat to fundamental human freedoms. The interim government's political vendetta has become increasingly apparent, as has the growing shadow of disapproval cast over the Yunus administration. The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 30, 2025, 11:43 IST News opinion Global Watch | Yunus Regime's Political Vendetta Deepens Bangladesh Crisis
The Print
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Rahman's ‘Bangladesh First' is meant to outshine Hasina's India love. Yunus wants to kill it
In English, the slogan translates to 'Not Delhi, not Pindi, not any other country,' ending with a line possibly borrowed from Donald Trump: 'It is Bangladesh first.' At the end of his speech, 60-year-old Rahman gave BNP supporters a mantra to take to the people while preparing for elections that he demanded must be held by December. The mantra: ' Dilli Noy, Pindi Noy, Noy onno kono desh. Sobar agey Bangladesh .' When a politician from Bangladesh who lives in self-exile in London addresses a political rally in Dhaka, what he says can only be of limited interest to India. But the slogan that the acting chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Tarique Rahman, coined and shared with party workers at Wednesday's well-attended rally is worthy of New Delhi's attention. Nothing poetic about it—in Bangla, the lines don't rhyme or qualify as blank verse. But it packs a punch, pithily capturing sentiments that have dominated Bangladeshi politics in the past and fears about the future. In the last 15 years, one of BNP's key complaints against Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League was her proximity to New Delhi. After Hasina fled the country, the speed of Dhaka's drift towards Islamabad and Pindi (short for Rawalpindi)—political and military capitals of a nation from which Bangladesh broke away 53 years ago—has been remarkable and disconcerting for many in the country, besides India of course. Will this mantra win BNP the Bangladesh election? Well, political slogans do come with expiry dates, and what is moot is when elections will eventually be held. Even as Tarique Rahman reiterated the BNP's December deadline in Dhaka on Wednesday evening, the chief adviser of Bangladesh's interim government, Prof Muhammad Yunus, stuck to his guns and said in Tokyo—where he is visiting—that elections will definitely not be held in December, but, depending on the pace of electoral reforms, by June 2026. By then, BNP leader Tarique Rahman's freshly minted slogan may lose its shine. Also read: 1971 or 2024? A political battle in Bangladesh over when the nation found true liberation Chinese whispers December 2025 and June 2026 is a gap of just six months, and Yunus has repeated his promise of polls by next June ad nauseam. And yet, doubts about him sticking to the deadline continue to be voiced, most loudly by the BNP. Last week, the Bangladesh Army reportedly joined in. Chief of Army Staff General Waker-Uz-Zaman is said to have told officers at a meeting on 21 May that he felt the elections should be held by December. There was no audio or video recording of this statement or a press release. What went viral, instead, after the meeting ended, were WhatsApp quotes purportedly from his speech. The messages spread so widely that Yunus reportedly told a student leader he was thinking of resigning. The student leader shared this with a major news outlet, and the interim government seemed on the verge of collapse. The way politics is playing out in Bangladesh these days, Yunus was never on record anywhere threatening to resign and then withdrawing that threat. The Army, on Monday, at least officially denied its chief had said any of the things the WhatsApp messages claimed he did. The net result of this game of Chinese whispers, as it were, was a resignation drama with political parties rushing to placate Yunus. Among the big players, the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party said they were fine with the June deadline, though a roadmap to elections would be welcome. Unspoken was the subtext that if Yunus wanted to first fully reform the electoral system and then hold elections, that was fine too. But the BNP differed. It said elections first, and whatever reforms remained pending in December would be put in place by an elected government once it came to power. Also read: Bangladeshi students who ousted Hasina set up 'National Citizen Party'. Where it stands on key issues Hasina vs Yunus On Wednesday, BNP leader Salahuddin Ahmed reminded the rally that in the past, non-partisan caretaker governments held elections within three months of an elected government completing its tenure. 'If this (Yunus) government can't give us an election in 90 days, it won't be able to give us an election in 90 years,' he said. In 2008, a caretaker government held elections that brought Hasina to power for the first time this century. But she abolished the caretaker government provision by amending the Constitution. Now, she has been using social media to vent, accusing Yunus of 'turning Bangladesh into hell.' While that may be an outburst of hyperbole, the uncertainty over what's next for Bangladesh is taking a toll, pushing the country toward a state of chaos that could rival the turbulence of the Monsoon Revolution. For the BNP or any other stakeholder banking on elections for a return to normalcy, a long wait seems on the cards. Tarique Rahman, pipped to return from his self-imposed exile in London to lead a BNP sweep of the elections, would perhaps be best advised not to buy his flight ticket yet. Monideepa Banerjie is a senior journalist based in Kolkata. She tweets @Monideepa62. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)
News18
2 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Why India, West Must Keep An Eye On Bangladesh's Deepening Crisis
Last Updated: Shrinking democratic space, Yunus going the Jihadist way and Western powers weary of his idiosyncrasies have put Bangladesh in a spot Bangladesh is in the midst of a major crisis, given the political chessboard that exposes changing power dynamics, Jihadist takeover, assertion of the military junta and people left to fend for themselves with the State giving up on governance. It's not mere domestic political reconfiguration but a crisis in the making, with both national and regional consequences. At the heart of this narrative lies decline of a figure once championed in Western capitals, Muhammad Yunus, and subdued recalibration of power that tells extensively about where Bangladesh is headed and how the world must understand this transition. Yunus, once hailed as a Nobel laureate and Grameen Bank microfinance model builder, was long seen as a link with Western liberal values. But in today's Dhaka, Yunus no longer commands the stature of a unifying reformist and an elderly statesman. His legal troubles, political marginalisation and increasing distance from the country's current power centres suggest a systemic and, perhaps, irreversible break from liberal-democratic experiment that he once symbolised. His estrangement from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), historically the principal opposition to erstwhile ruling Awami League, marks a decisive shift. Yunus even lacks institutional support from security establishments, rendering such alliances practically ineffective. A recent massive rally titled 'Rally for Establishing Youth Political Rights' was held in Dhaka by three BNP-affiliated groups, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal, and Swechchhasebak Dal as Yunus left for a four-day visit to Japan. BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman addressed the rally virtually, criticising the Yunus-led government. Days earlier, a BNP delegation demanded an election roadmap by December and urged the interim government to avoid long-term policy decisions, especially on issues like the Rohingya corridor and Chattogram port. The political gap left after the fall of the Awami League's unquestionable supremacy has not resulted in democratic transition or realignment of democratic forces. Once a prominent player in Bangladeshi politics, Awami League under Sheikh Hasina has been accused of authoritarian drift, methodical repression of opposition and getting alienated from voters. The conditions are ripe for alternative centres of power to emerge, not necessarily from existing political formations but actors whose influence is wielded from behind the veil of legitimacy. One such actor is Bangladeshi military that has distanced from Yunus. The current climate indicates its willingness to fill the power vacuum. Words and postures emanating from within the army reflect displeasure with both existing political leadership and personalities like Yunus who are frequently portrayed as associated with Western liberal objectives. The military's reluctance to re-embrace Yunus reveals a deeper strategic concern: aligning too closely with an internationally admired but locally polarising individual risks alienating burgeoning nationalist sentiments and undermining internal cohesion. Compounding the uncertainty is re-emergence of hardline Islamic factions, particularly the Jamaat-e-Islami, long banned but far from being irrelevant. In times of institutional fragility, such groups often find space to maneuver, projecting themselves as defenders of moral order and religious authenticity. Their attempt to 'call the shots" politically, often through proxies and sympathetic networks, is no longer a fringe development but a potential axis of influence, especially in disenfranchised and conservative constituencies. Under the guise of populism and faith-based legitimacy, ideological extremists are bound to acquire traction due to the Awami League and BNP's combined weakness or non-existence in political arena. In this calculus, pro-democracy actors, while vocal and active, remain largely performative in impact. The civil society fabric of Bangladesh, which once brimmed with journalistic bravery, legal advocacy, and grassroots mobilisation, now finds itself overpowered by a combination of state repression, media censorship and judicial intimidation. Though aligned ideologically with purported liberal reformists such as Yunus, these elements are neither organised nor empowered to counter the influence of either the security apparatus or resurgent Islamist formations. Individuals who are more concerned with maintaining institutional or ideological domination than with preserving democracy are increasingly filling the gap left by middle-ground political participation. From a geopolitical standpoint, these internal realignments have not escaped the attention of regional and global powers. United States, under shifting administrations, has shown signs of strategic disinterest in Yunus' continued involvement in Bangladeshi politics. At the same time, US seems to be investing in other forms of influence projection, most notably through declaration of interest in Saint Martin's Island, a location with increasing significance due to its naval and logistical potential. Although formally within Bangladeshi territory, US maneuvers signal a willingness to challenge regional hegemonies through presence rather than partnership. Interestingly, the Bangladeshi army's own worldview appears increasingly decoupled from traditional alignments. While military engagement with China continues through defence procurements and limited logistical cooperation, the army remains skeptical of Pakistan, a country with which historical scars and ideological differences remain deeply etched. Since New Delhi is well aware of Pakistan's ongoing attempts to retain influence in Dhaka through both ideological and illegal means, this suspicion may be a means of fostering understanding with India. India's own perspective on these developments is complex and evolving. New Delhi has traditionally favoured stability over unrest in its eastern neighbourhood. Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has, however, articulated concerns about Bangladesh's vulnerability to becoming a chokepoint, a potential 'Chicken Neck" in a broader strategic contest involving China, US and radical Islamic networks. The parallel highlights a concern about India's own strategic bottleneck, the Siliguri Corridor, and how instability in Bangladesh could lead to logistical and security issues in the northeast. Indian engagement, therefore, is not only about diplomatic alignment but about protecting crucial linkages and resisting China's growing influence. The present course of Bangladesh raises uneasy concerns for democracies in the West. Common trends that are frequently disregarded in favour of short-term strategic collaboration or economic stability include the emergence of hardline forces, dwindling liberal voices and the assertion of military prerogative. If these trends are not addressed, they run the risk of combining to create a hybrid system characterised by latent volatility, ideological control, and selective pluralism that is neither wholly dictatorial nor democratic. For policymakers in Washington, Brussels, and London, this may mean rethinking how democracy promotion is operationalised in South Asia, especially in contexts where soft power tools have diminishing returns. In conclusion, Bangladesh is not merely walking away from Muhammad Yunus; it is veering into a new, uncertain terrain where democratic backsliding, militarised governance and ideological radicalism intersect. While the Western notion may have once seen Yunus as the embodiment of Bangladesh's democratic potential, his sidelining reflects not just personal fallibility but erosion of an entire paradigm. top videos View all The future of Bangladesh, therefore, cannot be defined by nostalgia for liberal reformers or blind faith in electoral processes. It must be understood through the lenses of power, identity, and regional consequence. And as the lines harden between secularism, Islamism, militarism, and populism, the West, and particularly India, must engage not with illusions, but with clarity and foresight. The author is a doctoral fellow at Amity University in Gwalior and content head at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : bangladesh himanta biswa sarma Muhammad Yunus Sheikh Hasina United states Location : Dhaka, Bangladesh First Published: May 30, 2025, 09:09 IST News opinion Opinion | Why India, West Must Keep An Eye On Bangladesh's Deepening Crisis
