India-Central Asia Dialogue IV: A strategic opportunity

Hindustan Times

17 hours ago

The IV India–Central Asia Dialogue in New Delhi, held on June 6, 2025, may well be remembered as more than just another diplomatic milestone. It represents a broader transformation in India's foreign policy, one that blends counterterrorism resolve with regional integration, historic ties with digital futures, and diplomacy with defense. In short, it marks India's assertion of strategic agency across Eurasia's contested heartland.
Speaking at the opening session of the IV India-Central Asia Dialogue, external affairs minister S Jaishankar thanked Central Asian counterparts for their solidarity in condemning the Pahalgam attack and reaffirmed India's intent to deepen 'a partnership defined by shared aspirations, shared opportunities, and common challenges.' That message is not rhetorical. It reflects India's new doctrine of regional presence. With Operation Sindoor, Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared that India had established a 'new benchmark' in counter-terrorism policy. In the wake of that operation, the Dialogue reinforces India's intention to convert tactical clarity into strategic connectivity.
India's ambitions in Central Asia are not new. But they have never been this consolidated or strategically framed. The dialogue reinforced India's identity as a trusted development partner, one that is investing in connectivity corridors, health infrastructure, digital public goods, and high-impact community development projects. India's approach is scaffolded by the C5+1 framework, which allows it to engage multilaterally with the five republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, while also managing bilateral dynamics. The format is fast maturing into a platform for everything from counterterror cooperation to fintech coordination.
India's broader objective? India aims to establish itself as a reliable geopolitical competitor in a region dominated by China's Belt and Road Initiative and Russia's military-economic complex. In this crowded field, India isn't trying to outbuild China or out-arm Russia but to compete as an equally strong partner to Central Asia by offering transparent, sustainable, and sovereign-friendly alternatives.
The Dialogue also put connectivity back in the spotlight. India recommitted to the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and Chabahar Port, inviting more active participation from Central Asian nations. Kazakhstan's proposal to develop the eastern branch of INSTC was welcomed as a strategic bridge between India and Eurasia. Economic diplomacy gained new dimensions with the promotion of trade in national currencies and the creation of a Joint Working Group on financial connectivity. The goal is not just trade; it's institutional connectivity. Add to that the growing potential for rare earth cooperation, another arena India is stepping into with confidence. The establishment of the India–Central Asia Digital Partnership Forum signals a digital leap forward. With Uzbekistan hosting the first edition, India aims to export elements of India Stack and help build Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) across the region. Unlike China's surveillance-heavy tech model, India's approach emphasises open access, transparency, and interoperability.
While security and infrastructure issues dominate headlines, India's Central Asia playbook is quietly being reinforced by soft power. Indian students, tourists, and cultural institutions are increasingly visiting cities like Tashkent and Almaty. The Dialogue acknowledged these people-to-people bonds, expanding youth exchanges and educational ties. However, air connectivity remains a bottleneck. Pakistan's airspace restrictions continue to complicate direct flight routes, making low-cost carriers like IndiGo unviable in the region. Currently, only Uzbekistan Airways and Air Astana offer direct connections, neither of which are affordable or frequent enough to catalyse tourism or business travel. For New Delhi to realise its soft power potential, it must solve this airspace access challenge, either diplomatically or by developing alternative corridors via Iran and the Gulf.
What sets Central Asia apart today is its growing regionalism. In contrast to the non-functional SAARC in South Asia, Central Asia is increasingly resolving disputes through diplomacy. This interstate regional cohesion makes it far more receptive to external partnerships, and India must adapt its foreign policy to this new regional logic of Central Asia. This shift adds value to the C5+1 format of India's dialogue with Central Asia.
The 4th India-Central Dialogue's focus on health care, sustainable energy, counter-radicalisation, and climate cooperation reflects this shift. India's development experiences, such as UPI for financial inclusion, Ayushman Bharat for health care, and its leadership in climate coalitions like ISA and GBA, are now being actively exported to Central Asian partners.
The IV India-Central Asia Dialogue was a pivotal moment in strategic affairs. As global power dynamics transition toward multipolarity, India's strategic role in Central Asia will significantly influence its ambitions throughout Eurasia. The dialogue transcends mere diplomatic formality; it serves as a strategic instrument for transforming India's engagement with a region that has historically been significant to its foreign policy objectives and is increasingly vital. From counterterrorism to connectivity, from Op-Sindoor to digital diplomacy, India is showing it has the will and the tools to redefine its presence in Eurasia. This process is no longer about catching up with China or balancing Russia. It's about anchoring a values-based, development-driven, sovereign-respecting framework of engagement. The next India–Central Asia Summit, slated for later in 2025, will offer a platform to elevate this vision to the leadership level.
India has arrived at the Silk Road with a new doctrine and a new direction. The challenge now is to make this new normal last.
This article is authored by Kamakshi Wason, global COO, Tillotoma Foundation.