
Trump is already making the next Fed chair's job harder
President Donald Trump has acknowledged the intense pressure he's laying on the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates is, in fact, making it harder for the central bank to do just that.But he may also be sabotaging the person he picks to succeed Jerome Powell, whose term as chair expires next May.By pledging to pick 'somebody that wants to cut rates,' Trump has potentially undermined the next chair's standing even before they're selected. The public and investors will likely question whether the nominee will safeguard the central bank's independence or bow to Trump's demands.
'People will wonder what sort of promises or implicit promises or winks or nods may have gone on in order to get the nomination,' said Jon Faust, a fellow at the Center for Financial Economics at Johns Hopkins University and a former special adviser to Powell. 'I think that's very bad for the next Fed chair. I think that's very bad for the credibility of the Fed.' Trump has pointed to recent tame inflation readings and lower policy rates in other countries in his calls for the Fed to reduce borrowing costs, while maintaining the central bank can raise interest rates should inflation re-accelerate. He's also argued the Fed — which was late to hike interest rates to counter the inflation surge that followed the Covid-19 pandemic — has often waited too long to adjust its policy.
In an emailed statement, White House spokesman Kush Desai said it was Trump's First Amendment right 'to voice his concern about flawed policymaking, and that includes monetary policy that's holding our country's economic resurgence back.'Powell hasn't responded directly to Trump's badgering. Instead, he has emphasized that policymakers are squarely focused on doing what they judge to be in the best interest of the economy and within their legal mandate.'I have a little more than 10 months left on my term as chair and all I want, and all anybody at the Fed wants, is to deliver an economy that has price stability, maximum employment, financial stability,' Powell said on July 1. Right now, Powell and his colleagues have decided that means holding off on rate cuts. They want more clarity on how Trump's tariffs and other policies will affect inflation and employment. That's stoked Trump's ire, and others in his administration have ramped up the attacks in recent days.'I fully understand that my strong criticism of him makes it more difficult for him to do what he should be doing, lowering Rates,' Trump said of Powell on social media last month.Painful LessonsIn recent decades, elected officials and Fed policymakers alike have aimed to insulate monetary policy from political interference. That's a result of painful lessons learned when central bankers yielded to outside bullying.Paul Volcker, who became Fed chair in 1979, is remembered for waging a dogged fight to quell an inflation problem that many believe went unchecked because the Fed gave in to pressure from President Richard Nixon. Economic historians credit Volcker with reestablishing the Fed's credibility on price stability and setting the stage for a long period of low inflation.That lesson, and similar examples from around the globe, have led researchers to broadly agree that economies perform better when central banks set rates independently. 'If you believe that the central bank is going to make decisions that even marginally tilt more toward political pressures, you're going to expect higher inflation, more volatility in the macroeconomy,' said Julia Coronado, founder of research firm MacroPolicy Perspectives. 'All of that has a price in the bond market and in financial markets generally.'Coronado said she expects the next Fed leader to be less invested in the central bank's independence than the last few chairs.'It's not going to be some arsonist that comes in and lights the institution on fire. I think it'll be more incremental, but still meaningful,' she said. 'At the margin, they're going to try to guide that committee to easier policy because that will be the political pressure and it will have some impact.'The CandidatesTrump has said he has three or four people in mind to succeed Powell and his pick will come 'very soon.''If I think somebody's going to keep the rates where they are or whatever, I'm not going to put them in. I'm going to put somebody that wants to cut rates,' he said last month.Desai, the White House spokesman, said the president 'will continue to nominate the most qualified individuals who can best serve the American people.'
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent – who is reportedly among those under consideration – said on June 30 the administration will work on naming a successor over the coming weeks and months.
Other candidates said to be in contention include Kevin Warsh, a former Fed governor, and a current governor, Christopher Waller. Kevin Hassett, the White House's National Economic Council director, and former World Bank President David Malpass are also said to be in the mix. Bessent, Hassett and Malpass have echoed Trump's view that the Fed should already be cutting rates. Waller, citing recent economic data, has said a rate cut could be appropriate as soon as this month. He has also touted the importance of central bank independence. While in wait-and-see mode for now, most Fed officials still expect the central bank will cut rates at least once this year. And some analysts have noted economic conditions could evolve in a way that makes the rate cuts Trump seeks a less contentious policy choice even before a new chair takes over.In addition, checks on the Fed chief will remain regardless of whom Trump picks. The chair is just one of 19 policymakers on the Federal Open Market Committee, and one of 12 who vote on interest-rate decisions.The next chair could still be viewed as having credibility if they offer a reasonable intellectual framework for lowering rates, said Derek Tang, an economist at LHMeyer/Monetary Policy Analytics in Washington. He said he'll be watching how investors' expectations for future inflation react once Trump names a pick as an indication of whether markets view the choice as credible.'The candidate has to thread a needle to be pleasing enough to Trump,' Tang said. 'But then at the same time be able to convince the market they're going to stand up for Fed independence and defend the inflation mandate. They have to do both things at once, which is hard.'
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Time of India
21 minutes ago
- Time of India
Politics isn't rocket science: The reason Elon Musk cannot hurt Donald Trump right now – and is unlikely to do so in the future
A CNN analysis – an organisation that is equally berated by break-up bros Donald Trump and Elon Musk – summed up the current impasse, or Musk's inability to dent Trump, with the line: 'Politics isn't rocket science. If it were, President Donald Trump might have something more to worry about in his reignited feud with his estranged 'first buddy' Elon Musk. ' A few months ago, right after Trump reclaimed the White House, he couldn't stop gushing about his friend Elon. When SpaceX's Starship booster landed back on its chopstick arms after a test flight, Trump said at a campaign rally: 'Did you see the way that sucker landed today? That's the greatest thing I've ever seen. Elon is an absolute genius – nobody else could ever do that.' In 1952, Israel offered its presidency to Albert Einstein. The man who split the atom and redefined the universe's laws could have been a ceremonial head of state. Einstein declined, saying he lacked 'the natural aptitude and experience to deal properly with people.' Politics, he knew, isn't rocket science or quantum mechanics. And that's the rub. The greatest physicist of modern history turned down politics. Elon Musk, who fancies himself the Einstein of our era, is now discovering why. Musk and Trump: Rockets, Casinos, and the Art of Betrayal Elon Musk and Donald Trump were never meant to be friends for long. One built his empire launching rockets into orbit and cars down highways; the other built his by branding steaks, casinos, and tower facades with his name. For months, they operated as allies of convenience: Musk bankrolled Trump's 2024 re-election with nearly $300 million, and Trump rewarded him with sweeping powers as head of the newly minted Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), a role so absurd it sounded like a Shiba Inu meme come alive. Musk appeared in the Oval Office in February wielding a chainsaw on stage at CPAC to symbolise the slashing of government bloat. For a while, it worked. Trump basked in the billionaire's adulation, Musk relished the keys to the kingdom, and together they created an unholy tech-populist fusion that made Wall Street swoon. Then came the 'big, beautiful bill.' Trump pushed through his MAGA megabill – an infrastructure-cum-tax-cum-spending package that ballooned the deficit. Musk, who once championed balanced budgets and deflationary discipline, called it a 'disgusting abomination.' He threatened to primary every Republican who voted for it and set up a new political party – the America Party – to punish the betrayal. Trump, in turn, branded Musk as 'off the rails,' warning that third parties never succeed and only create 'disruption and chaos.' Their bromance shattered into a predictable feud driven by ego, ideology, and billions in threatened EV subsidies. Third Parties in America: History's Graveyard of Outsiders Trump is not wrong about history. Third parties in America are where political ambitions go to die. Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose insurgency in 1912 split the Republican vote, handing Woodrow Wilson the White House. George Wallace's segregationist campaign in 1968 won five states but ended with Nixon's landslide. Ross Perot, the Texas billionaire, won 19% of the popular vote in 1992 on a balanced budget platform but zero electoral votes. Ralph Nader's Green Party in 2000 siphoned just enough votes in Florida to swing the presidency to George W. Bush. America's first-past-the-post electoral system punishes split tickets. Ballot access is a bureaucratic labyrinth. Media gatekeeping and debate exclusions freeze out challengers. And the 'spoiler effect' haunts voters who might agree with a third party's ideals but fear wasting their vote. These structural barriers have buried every insurgent from the Socialist Eugene V. Debs to the Libertarian Gary Johnson. Musk's venture risks the same fate. Politics isn't rocket science. If it were, Trump might have something to worry about. But as CNN's analysis put it: 'Nothing in the explosive and now-soured flirtation of the world's richest man with politics suggests he has the magic touch to spark the kind of creative disruption in the Republican Party that he set off in the orbital and electric vehicle industries.' Why This Isn't Ceteris Paribus: Musk's X Factor Yet Musk is not a normal third-party candidate. He has two weapons no one in history possessed simultaneously: 1. Limitless Money – Musk spent nearly $300 million in 2024. That's more than Perot spent in inflation-adjusted dollars. His war chest can bankroll national petition drives, recruit insurgent candidates, and saturate swing states with advertising until the last undecided voter dreams of dogecoin. 2. The World's Largest Media Platform – Musk owns X (Twitter). Roosevelt needed newspapers, Perot needed paid infomercials, Wallace needed the Deep South's racial demagogues. Musk has 500 million monthly active users and algorithms he personally controls. He polled his followers about forming the America Party; 1.2 million voted in hours, 65% saying yes. If politics is narrative warfare, Musk owns the battlefield. His reach is unmatched. Trump's Truth Social has under 10 million monthly users. Musk has over 210 million followers himself. The asymmetry is stark. In 2016, Trump was the insurgent meme-lord on Twitter. In 2025, Musk is the overlord of X, able to amplify, censor, or bury discourse at whim. But Does He Have a Political Base? This is Musk's existential problem. As CNN noted: 'Beyond the tech world, where he used his rock star status to funnel young, disaffected male voters toward Trump, it's not clear that Musk has a broader constituency.' Musk's online fandom is massive but shallow. Tesla owners love his cars, not necessarily his politics. SpaceX fans marvel at his rockets, not his fiscal conservatism. The MAGA base is cult-like in its loyalty to Trump. Even Vice President JD Vance – once touted as a Musk ally – chose Trump when forced to pick sides. Pollster Lee Carter put it bluntly to CNN: 'Donald Trump is the one that has the huge following. Elon Musk certainly helped Donald Trump in the election… but it wasn't Elon Musk who was center-stage and I don't think that we're going to see people follow Elon Musk in the same way that we saw with the MAGA movement.' Musk's Political Failures So Far If politics were rocket science, Musk's orbital genius would be unstoppable. But his forays suggest otherwise. His most prominent individual foray – the Wisconsin Supreme Court race – was a fiasco. Musk poured millions behind a conservative candidate, only to watch her lose by 10 points. Voters recoiled from his intervention. Tesla's stock has slumped as Musk's brand becomes increasingly partisan, alienating Europe's EV market. His tenure as DOGE chief was theatrically underwhelming. The chainsaw he brandished at CPAC to symbolise cost cuts ended up symbolising something else entirely: the severing of his relationship with Trump. Trump's Fortress GOP The Republican Party remains Trump's fortress. For a decade, he has purged dissenters and fused his brand into its DNA. He turned a mainstream conservative party into an ethno-nationalist, populist machine with himself as the sun around which all orbit. Musk's America Party threatens to be the Bull Moose Redux – siphoning votes from Republicans, helping Democrats win, but never seizing power. Trump knows this. That's why he dismissed Musk's gambit with scorn rather than fear. But Musk's goal may not be to dethrone Trump. It may be to outlast him. At 53, Musk is decades younger. If Trump's empire crumbles – through scandal, age, or electoral defeat – Musk could inherit a disillusioned conservative base seeking a new anti-establishment saviour. The Einstein Principle Albert Einstein declined Israel's presidency because he knew genius in physics doesn't translate to political dexterity. Musk might yet learn the same lesson. Rockets obey gravity and thrust. Politics obeys no laws but human loyalty, prejudice, memory, and fear. Even if Musk builds the America Party into a disruptive force, he cannot run for president. The Constitution forbids foreign-born citizens from holding the office. He would need a surrogate – a puppet candidate with the charisma to galvanise voters, the obedience to follow Musk's script, and the moral flexibility to survive in politics' mud. Finding such a creature is as improbable as landing a rocket booster upright on a floating barge. But then again, Musk did that. As Trump himself once exclaimed at a rally after a Falcon Heavy landing: 'Did you see the way that sucker landed today?' Today, Trump's view has changed. He threatens Musk with executive retribution. 'DOGE is the monster that might have to go back and eat Elon,' he warned ominously, suggesting presidential power could be wielded to crush Musk's companies. In any other era, such a statement might trigger impeachment hearings. In the Trump era, it was Tuesday. The Final Equation Politics isn't rocket science. That is both Trump's salvation and Musk's curse. History suggests Musk's America Party is unlikely to dethrone Trump. But history also shows third parties can wound. Teddy Roosevelt's Bull Moose handed the presidency to Wilson. Ross Perot arguably handed it to Clinton. Ralph Nader gifted Florida to Bush. If Musk siphons just 3–5% of Republican voters, he could hand Democrats the House in 2026 or the presidency in 2028. Trump calls Musk 'off the rails.' Perhaps. But when a rocket goes off the rails, it doesn't just crash – it explodes, taking everything nearby with it. Einstein refused power because he understood its limits. Musk craves it because he doesn't. That difference may doom his political ambitions – or make them the most dangerous third-party experiment in American history. After all, politics isn't rocket science. If it were, Elon Musk would already be president. If he wasn't South African.


Indian Express
25 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Russia's ex-transport minister, fired by Putin, dies by suicide hours later
Russia's former Transport Minister Roman Starovoit has died by suicide, the Izvestiya news outlet reported on Monday, according to a report by Reuters. Earlier the same day, Russian President Vladimir Putin removed Starovoit from his post as transport minister. Reuters said it was not immediately clear what led to the incident. No official statement has been made yet. This is a developing story


Time of India
25 minutes ago
- Time of India
US trade threat: Donald Trump warns Brics nations of 10% tariff hike; bloc slams US trade policies
US President Donald Trump on Monday threatened to impose an additional 10% import tariff on China, India, and other Brics nations after the 11-member grouping criticised his trade policies during their summit in Brazil. 'Any Country aligning themselves with the Anti-American policies of Brics, will be charged an ADDITIONAL 10% Tariff. There will be no exceptions to this policy,' Trump said in a post on social media. His remarks came after Brics leaders denounced the US tariff regime as 'indiscriminate', 'damaging', and 'illegal' in their joint statement on Sunday. The Brics bloc — which includes China, India, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and Indonesia — accounts for nearly half the world's population and about 40% of global economic output. Once envisioned as a forum for fast-growing emerging markets, the expanded Brics now brings together both US adversaries such as Iran and Russia, and Washington's allies, including Saudi Arabia and Indonesia. While some US-aligned members sought to moderate the criticism by avoiding Trump's name in the joint declaration, it did little to placate the White House. Saudi Arabia, a key buyer of US weapons, went so far as to withdraw its foreign minister from Sunday's session and the official Brics 'family photo', AFP reported. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 2025 Top Trending local enterprise accounting software [Click Here] Esseps Learn More Undo Tariff pressure mounts ahead of August 1 Trump's renewed tariff threat comes ahead of an August 1 deadline, by which the administration has demanded new trade deals from global partners or face sweeping unilateral duties. The Brics nations now appear likely to be targeted for steeper penalties. The latest backlash also follows a Brics statement condemning US and Israeli airstrikes on Iran's nuclear infrastructure — a move seen as bolstering member state Iran amid rising Middle East tensions. China defends Brics stance China rejected accusations that the Brics platform was hostile to the United States. 'China has repeatedly stated its position that trade and tariff wars have no winners, and protectionism offers no way forward,' said foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning in a briefing on Monday. 'Brics is not targeted at any country,' Mao added, calling the bloc an 'important platform for cooperation between emerging markets and developing countries.' The summit's momentum appeared weakened by the absence of key leaders. Chinese President Xi Jinping, who has never missed a Brics summit in 12 years, skipped this year's event. Russian President Vladimir Putin, wanted by the International Criminal Court over the Ukraine war, joined via video link. Despite the diplomatic strain, Putin told Brics counterparts the group has become a 'key player in global governance', underlining its growing geopolitical weight. Stay informed with the latest business news, updates on bank holidays and public holidays . AI Masterclass for Students. Upskill Young Ones Today!– Join Now