
To Whom it May Concern: Trump's tariff letters cause a stir among world leaders
FILE: White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt speaks as she holds up a letter from President Donald Trump to South Korea's President Lee Jae-myung during a press briefing at the White House, Monday, July 7, 2025, in Washington.
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Ninety trade deals in 90 days didn't happen early in President Donald Trump 's second term. "Liberation Day" panicked the financial markets in April. And bespoke trade agreements with dozens of countries, he has said, takes too much time. "There's 200 countries,'' the president acknowledged. "You can't talk to all of them.''So Trump repackaged his plan to sltariffs on almost every nation in a series of unusual presidential letters to foreign leaders that set new thresholds not just for trade negotiations - but also for diplomatic style, tone and delivery. Most are fill-in-the-blank form letters that include leaders' names and a tariff rate. Words are capitalized using Trump's distinct social media style. A few typos and formatting issues appear throughout.They generally include an opening flourish of salutation, a grievance, the threat of a big jump in tariffs, a new deadline and an escape ramp allowing that "we will, perhaps, consider an adjustment to this letter" if certain conditions are met. Rather than typical diplomatic talk of things like enduring mutual respect, Trump closes with, "Thank you for your attention to this matter!" and "Best wishes," followed by his signature of three long strokes linked by and about 14 short ones.He appears to have paid special attention to his letters to Canada, with which he's been fighting and taunting for months, and Brazil, which he singled out for 50% tariffs apparently based on a personal grudge rather than economics.A negotiation tactic The good news for the leaders of foreign countries, Trump suggested, is that if he sent you a letter, he wants to negotiate."A letter means a deal," he said during a Cabinet meeting. "We can't meet with 200 countries."But he's also managed to make his erratic trade policy baffling for American trading partners eager to negotiate a way to dodge his wrath. The president escalated a conflict he started with America's second-biggest trading partner and longstanding ally, raising the tariff -- effectively a tax - on many Canadian imports to 35% effective Aug. 1. On Saturday, Trump announced more tariffs still, this time on two of the United States' biggest trade partners: the European Union and Mexico, at 30% each.And it's far from clear that these tariffs would benefit Americans' bottom lines. Trump's threat to boost import taxes by 50% on Brazilian goods could drive up the cost of breakfast in the United States by making staples of the American diet, such as coffee and orange juice, more expensive.Reception has been ... spotty The response to the letters, which the White House says will also be mailed, has been mixed.Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney's office issued a mild statement acknowledging the new Aug. 1 deadline and suggesting he would stay the course "steadfastly defend(ing) our workers and businesses."Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, meanwhile, vowed retaliatory tariffs and ordered his diplomats to return Trump's letter if it ever physically arrives at the presidential palace in Brasilia."Respect is good," Lula told TV Record. "I like to offer mine, and I like to receive it."
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Indian Express
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Well, that's how it works in nations which respect the law, and for people who aren't Donald Trump. Throughout his life, Trump has used his wealth and power to evade legal accountability for alleged crimes ranging from fraud and corruption to sexual abuse and theft of classified documents. When he finally faced trial for his most serious attack on American democracy, he was given the constitutionally-implausible gift of absolute legal immunity — by a Supreme Court majority composed of justices who had either been appointed by him or effectively declared themselves his political partisans. It's understandable that he'd be surprised at Bolsonaro's fate: The prospect of misdeeds leading to meaningful punishment is something Trump himself has never had to face. If the cause of Trump's wrath is unjust, his tool of vengeance is even worse. He threatened Brazil, in contradiction to US law, with 50 per cent tariffs across the board. 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Trump invoked a provision of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, permitting tariffs in response to a formally-declared national emergency. This is, of course, nonsense: The US has no national emergency stemming from any nation's trading practices — let alone from the trading practices of every nation on earth. But threatening to slap Brazil with tariffs linked to the Bolsonaro trial goes even further: Here, there isn't even a pretense of any motivation based on America's economic interest. In other cases, Trump has made the (absurd) argument that bilateral trade deficits constitute a national emergency — but Brazil is a nation with which the US has a trade surplus, and has had one for 18 years. The rationale here is nothing more than presidential pique. Trump is threatening to use a power he does not legally possess, to inflict harm on both Americans and Brazilians, purely because a democratic nation dares to practise democracy. For decades, American leaders have spoken eloquently in defense of values such as rule of law. Sometimes the speeches were hypocritical, given the gap between America's ideals and its real-life practices. But quite often advocating universal values serves a real purpose: Ask a survivor of Apartheid South Africa or Tiananmen Square whether they desired more US moral leadership or less, and you'll hear few of them arguing for American silence. In the past, all US presidents did their moral preaching in rhetorical support of democracy and rule of law. We've never before had a president actively jawboning foreign leaders against these values. And when Trump carries out his latest tariff threat on August 1, he'll effectively translate his jawboning into precisely the kind of anti-democratic action he's trying to force on Brazil: By wielding presidential power with blatant illegality, he'll go from demanding the law's debasement to actually causing it. The writer is is author of Arrow of the Blue-Skinned God: Retracing the Ramayana Through India and Mullahs on the Mainframe: Islam and Modernity Among the Daudi Bohras


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