
How India's Nur Khan Airbase Strike Dealt A Blow To Pakistan & China
Last Updated:
"The Nur Khan airbase attack exposed gaps in Pakistan's air defence systems. The airbase relied on Chinese radar systems, thus affecting their credibility too," say intel source
By striking the Nur Khan airbase on May 10, India not just retaliated against Pakistan's unprovoked escalation, but also dealt a blow to their image as a military power, said top intelligence sources.
Within 90 minutes, India pounded Nur Khan airbase, Rafiqui airbase in Shorkot, Murid airbase in Punjab, Sukkur airbase in Sindh, Sialkot airbase, Sargodha airbase, Skardu airbase, Bholari airbase near Karachi, Jacobabad airbase, and Pasrur airstrip.
The Nur Khan base is closest to Islamabad and often used for VIP transport and military logistics. Its neutralisation severed critical links between the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) leadership and its operational units during the conflict, sources say.
'It symbolised the military's operational synergy. The airbase served as the headquarter of Pakistan's Air Mobility Command. Striking it exposed the vulnerabilities in the heart of Pakistan's defence establishment. The inability to defend such a high-value target exposed gaps in Pakistan's air defence systems," said sources.
'The airbase relied on Chinese radar systems such as HQ-9. So the attack highlighted their inefficacy against Indian S-400 missiles. It also undermined China's credibility as a defence partner," said sources.
WHY NUR KHAN MATTERS: SOURCES EXPLAIN
It houses critical assets such as Saab Erieye airborne early warning systems, C-130 transporters and IL-78 refueling aircraft. These systems are vital for surveillance, logistics, and aerial coordination, especially in cross-border operations.
The base was central to Pakistan's drone warfare campaigns.
It was used for the launch of Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 and indigenous Shahpar-I drones targeting India.
ALSO READ | How The 100-Hour Fight Displayed India's Massive Strength, Pakistan's Weaknesses | Exclusive
By attacking it, India disrupted Pakistan's ability to conduct asymmetric attacks.
It is in Rawalpindi and next to Pakistan's army headquarters.
It was key to training elite pilots and hosting VIP fleets such as presidential aircraft.
The airbase was key in coordinating cross-border terrorism such as drone strikes post Pahalgam attack and highlighted Pakistan's use of state-sponsored proxies.
'The damage undermined Pakistan's self-image as a peer military power. Viral footage of burning infrastructure and intercepted missiles negated Pakistan's claims of neutralising attacks. This is nothing but a credibility crisis for Pakistan's army narrative," said sources.
'Even Pakistan's citizens mocked their army claims of interception, sharing memes and videos contrasting official statements with visible damage. This domestic backlash intensified the humiliation."
First Published:
May 11, 2025, 19:38 IST

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
25 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
'Go home': Local's response to pro-Khalistan parade in Canada goes viral
As the Khalistan movement continues in Canada, a video of a parade of Khalistan supporters in Vancouver made went viral on social media. In the video, posted by Canada-based investigative journalist Mocha Bezirgan, a local Canadian man was heard responding to the parade by stating 'no one cares.' This video comes after Bezirgan alleged that he was 'surrounded and threatened' by a group of Khalistan supporters, who also snatched his phone, while he filmed filming their weekend rally in downtown Vancouver. ALSO READ | 'Still shaking': Canada journalist alleges assault by Khalistanis, shares ordeal In the video, Khalistan supporters are seen carrying out a rally. Along with Khalistan flags, a Pakistani flag was also spotted during the rally. In response to the rally, the local man was heard saying 'go home, no one cares.' The supporters in the video can also be seen carrying an effigy of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi while chanting - 'Who killed Canadian citizens? Indian government.' In May 2025, India lodged strong protest with the Canadian High Commission after an anti-India parade was held in Toronto. During this parade, effigies of PM Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah and External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar were paraded. During these Khalsa day celebrations, Khalistan supporters also carried out floats with pro-Khalistan propaganda, pro-Pakistan banners and imagery targeting Indian leaders. The parade was condemned by several Indo-Canadian groups as well. In 2024, a float symbolising the assassination of Indira Gandhi was also carried out by Khalistan supporters. This parade was met with condemnation from the Canadian High Commissioner Cameron McKay. Due to the Khalistan movement in Canada, ties between India and Ottawa have also hit a snag. Last year, the rise in anti-India activities due to the killing of Khalistani extremist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, prompted India and Canada to carry out a tit-for-tat expulsion of diplomats. Tensions between India and Canada increased after the killing of Nijjar, as Khalistani supporters alleged the involvement of the Indian government. This allegation was then highlighted at a global stage after former Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau accused the Indian government of carrying out covert operations on Canadian soil, including the killing of Nijjar. The Indian government has denied any involvement and called on Canada to share the 'evidence and credible allegations' they had against New Delhi.


Indian Express
27 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Jaishankar to visit France, Belgium from June 8
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar is travelling to France and Belgium from June 8 to 14, days after he visited Germany. The visit is important since a multi-party political delegation also visited France and Belgium to canvas support for India's stance on Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. Jaishankar will first travel to Paris and then to Marseille. During this visit, he will travel to Paris and Marseille where he will hold bilateral discussions with his counterpart Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, Jean Noel Barrot, besides engaging with the country's senior leadership. He will also participate in the inaugural edition of the Mediterranean Raisina Dialogue which is being held in the city of Marseille. The Ministry of External Affairs said India and France have completed 25 years of strategic partnership. 'Our relations with France are rooted in deep trust and commitment, and our two countries cooperate closely across all domains of strategic and contemporary relevance besides sharing similar outlook on many regional and global issues,' it said in a statement. In the second leg of the visit, he will travel to Brussels. Here he will carry out talks with the EU as well as Belgian counterparts. During the visit, Jaishankar will hold a strategic dialogue with the EU High Representative and Vice President Kaja Kallas, and will engage with the senior leadership from the European Commission and the European Parliament. The MEA statement said: 'India-European Union strategic partnership has strengthened over the years across diverse sectors and got a big boost with the first-ever visit of the EU College of Commissioners to India in February this year.' During his visit to Belgium, he will hold bilateral consultations with the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Belgium, Maxime Prevot and also meet the senior leadership of Belgium. He will interact with the members of the Indian community. 'India and Belgium share warm and friendly relations along with a very robust economic partnership. Today the collaboration between the two countries spans various domains like trade and investment, green energy, technology, pharmaceutical, diamond sector and strong people to people ties,' the MEA said. The ministry said that the EAM's visit is expected to further deepen India's friendly relations with the European Union, France and Belgium and give renewed momentum to cooperation in diverse areas. Jaishankar met visiting UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy on Saturday, and said that India follows a policy of 'zero tolerance against terrorism' and expects its partners to understand that Delhi will never 'countenance' the equivalence of perpetrators and victims. This message will be conveyed to counterparts in Belgium and France as well. This was the first visit by a Foreign minister from a P-5 country to India, after the India-Pakistan hostilities last month. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also scheduled to travel to Canada for the G7 leaders' summit on June 15-17. He will meet his counterparts from France, Germany, UK and the EU, among others during the visit.


Time of India
27 minutes ago
- Time of India
Inside Putin's India pivot: Why Russia is trying to woo New Delhi into alliance with China
As US President Donald Trump publicly lashes out at Vladimir Putin for dragging out the Ukraine war, Moscow is quietly retooling its Asia strategy putting India front and centre in hopes of countering growing Western influence. While Trump's frustration with Putin mounts, the Kremlin has ramped up arms deals and diplomatic outreach to New Delhi, aiming to revive the once-promising Russia-India-China (RIC) troika as a foil to the Quad. Trump's irritation with Putin has grown as the Kremlin delays a ceasefire. While Kyiv reportedly accepted Trump's earlier 30-day truce proposal, Russia refused, insisting on terms that would force Ukraine to surrender territory not even under Russian control. Trump has since offered to host peace talks, but Moscow's demands, including US recognition of Crimea, have drawn accusations from experts like former ambassador Michael McFaul, who called them 'poison pills' meant to derail diplomacy. This has forced Putin to rekindle old alliances as a means to 'fight, fight, fight' against the US influence. From arms deals to trilateral summits, Russia is intensifying efforts to woo New Delhi, hoping to revive the Russia-India-China (RIC) dialogue as a counterweight to Western influence. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like No dark spots, 10 years younger! Just take this from Guardian URUHIME MOMOKO Learn More Undo 'India-Russia defence deals rubbed US the wrong way' The situation became more tricky for New Delhi when US secretary of commerce Howard Lutnick delivered a forthright assessment of recent tensions in the India-US relationship, pointing to certain Indian policies that 'rubbed the US the wrong way.' These include New Delhi's continued purchase of military equipment from Russia and its participation in the BRICS grouping, which Lutnick characterised as an attempt to 'not support the dollar and dollar hegemony. ' That's a way to kind of get under the skin of not really the way to make friends and influence people in America US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick 'That's not really the way to make friends and influence people in America,' Lutnick said, noting that President Trump 'calls that out directly,' and the Indian government is now 'addressing it specifically.' Despite such differences, Lutnick struck an optimistic tone, calling India's economy 'extraordinary' and praising its 'amazing' human capital and growth. He said both countries are working towards a trade agreement and that 'you should expect a the not too distant future.' Lavrov's India pitch Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov, speaking in Perm on Friday, revealed new efforts to woo India. He claimed Moscow was told India joined the Quad alliance, which includes the US, Australia and Japan, purely for economic cooperation. But Lavrov warned that the alliance is being militarised behind the scenes. 'In practice, other countries from the Quad are already trying, already insisting on organising naval and other military exercises,' Lavrov said. 'And I'm sure that our Indian friends can see this provocation clearly,' he said. Also read: 'US, other Quad countries trying to force India into military alliance rather than just trade,' claims Russia Lavrov's remarks came a day before US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth's announcement that the US is deepening its military relationship with India. Hegseth cited joint exercises like Tiger Triumph and Towson Sabre as evidence of growing strategic coordination in the Indo-Pacific. He also pointed to the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network and the PIPER initiative as efforts to integrate the region's defence infrastructure. 'Rookies talk strategy, pros talk logistics,' Hegseth said, signalling the US goal of building a sustained and interconnected defence presence in Asia. He emphasised that Trump's foreign policy was 'grounded in common sense and national interest' and stressed that a resilient alliance of like-minded democracies remains America's greatest strength against Chinese ambitions. But for Russia, these moves are part of what Lavrov describes as a Western ploy to 'divide and conquer,' a phrase he says President Putin himself recently used. Lavrov warned that the rebranding of the Asia-Pacific into the 'Indo-Pacific' was designed to isolate China and undermine ASEAN. Rekindling older alliances Perhaps the most significant signal from Lavrov was Russia's renewed push for the revival of the Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral dialogue. The forum, originally proposed by former Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, has met over 20 times and served as a platform for cooperation in trade, finance, and foreign policy. 'Now that… an understanding has been reached between India and China on how to calm the situation on the border, it seems to me that the time has come to revive this RIC troika,' Lavrov said. He framed the grouping as a valuable mechanism that could balance out the influence of Western-led coalitions like the Quad. India's strategic tightrope However, India's position remains complex. For years, India has enjoyed a privileged status as one of Russia's largest arms importers. Moscow provided India with cutting-edge weaponry, sometimes even before it was deployed in the Russian military itself. From India's strategic viewpoint, the RIC format carries other risks. Beijing continues to occupy a key position in South Asia's strategic balance, primarily through its deepening alliance with Islamabad. India remains concerned that any trilateral cooperation would be undermined unless China reconsiders its longstanding military and nuclear support for Pakistan. Moreover, the RIC format's perceived anti-American leanings are another sticking point. With Indo-US relations having deepened under both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Trump, especially on defence and technology cooperation, New Delhi may find it increasingly difficult to align with Russia and China in ways that could appear contrary to its current trajectory. 'Wishful thinking by Russia' Professor Rajan Kumar, from the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University while speaking with the , said that Russia's push for a revived RIC format may be 'wishful thinking by Russia, and it flies away in context of the real world and the current geo-political landscape.' He agreed, however, with Foreign Minister Lavrov's warning that the West seeks to 'divide and conquer' the India–China relationship. On whether the RIC would serve as a platform for direct mediation with China, Professor Kumar noted that 'though India and China are members of several international organisations, like the BRICS and SCO, a direct mediation with China is not possible. Particularly after the Ladakh incident in 2020, after which New Delhi's trust with Beijing has disappeared.' 'India maintains strategic autonomy' Asked whether India must align with either the US or Russia, he warned that 'given the current policies of the Trump administration, India cannot depend on the United States. As a consequence of the US president's policy the world has moved towards protectionism, and in the context of defence production this has ruled out the possibility of joint production of weapons.' He further noted India's longstanding tradition of strategic autonomy, adding, 'India has always maintained the policy of strategic autonomy, and it doesn't have the policy of involving other countries in its policy of China, and India sees China as a rival country. I believe in the coming time the tensions between New Delhi and Beijing are likely to escalate.' On whether Russia taking military equipment from China during its war with Ukraine would have impact on India's defence dealings with Russia, Professor Kumar observed: 'Yes, we do have a certain degree of dependence on Russian defence equipment, as was recently seen in the India-Pakistan war, with the successful use of S-400 on the defensive front and the BrahMos missile on the offensive. But yes, we are also trying to diversify our defence, with deals from Israel and France. ' India's balancing act Professor Rajan welcomed India's efforts to boost indigenous defence production, noting that 'one good thing is that India has also ramped up its own defence production and is moving towards becoming a major defence exporter; however, when compared to other countries its defence dealings are still minuscule.' Speaking on how India's close ties with Russia can be leveraged to question China's support for Pakistan, he explained that 'India has repeatedly voiced concerns about both China and Pakistan, especially regarding Islamabad's support for terrorist groups. Yet, India cannot dictate Russian foreign policy, as Moscow is grappling with its own geopolitical constraints. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has faced isolation and sanctions from the West, compelling it to deepen ties elsewhere. India, while strengthening ties with Western democracies, notably refrained from imposing sanctions on Russia and has abstained from UN resolutions condemning Moscow. This stance reflects India's effort to balance relations rather than fully aligning with Western positions. Concurrently, India participates in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) alongside the US, Australia, and Japan, a grouping often viewed as a strategic counterweight to China's influence.' What's the road ahead? India is poised to maintain its careful balancing act. In practice, New Delhi will likely deepen its defence ties with the US expanding logistics cooperation and joint exercises while continuing to source critical systems from Russia wherever gaps remain in its domestic industry. At the same time, India's focus on ramping up indigenous production and forging new partnerships with France and Israel suggests that Moscow's overtures, though acknowledged, will be weighed against broader economic and strategic interests. Whatever shape RIC might take, New Delhi's core priority will remain safeguarding its own strategic autonomy managing great-power competition without becoming dependent on any single capital.