Hamas has 'weaponized hunger,' says Rebeccah Heinrichs
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Yahoo
3 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Israeli cabinet may order complete Gaza takeover
By Maayan Lubell and Nidal al-Mughrabi JERUSALEM/CAIRO (Reuters) -Israel's cabinet could authorise on Tuesday a complete military takeover of Gaza for the first time in two decades, media reported, despite international pressure for a ceasefire to ease appalling conditions in the besieged Palestinian territory. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is leaning towards an expanded offensive and taking control of the entire enclave after 22 months of war against militant group Hamas, Israeli Channel 12 reported. A senior Israeli source told Reuters on Monday that more force was an option following the collapse of indirect ceasefire talks with Hamas. Seizing the entire territory would reverse a 2005 decision by Israel to pull settlers and military out of Gaza while retaining control over its borders - a move right-wing parties blame for Hamas gaining power there. It was unclear, however, whether a potential full takeover of Gaza would entail a prolonged occupation or a short-term operation aimed at dismantling Hamas and freeing hostages. Israel's coalition government is regarded as one of the most right-wing in its history, with the cabinet including parties that seek to annex both Gaza and the West Bank and encourage Palestinians to leave their homeland. The country's military has throughout the war pushed back against the idea of Israel trying to fully occupy Gaza and establish military rule there, which would require it to take over long-term governance. The military has also struggled with manpower issues as the war has dragged on, with reservists being repeatedly called up and putting a strain on capabilities. The conflict was triggered by a Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, when gunmen stormed the border from Gaza, killing more than 1,200 people and seizing around 250 hostages according to Israeli tallies. Israel's military campaign has devastated the tiny, crowded enclave, killing more than 60,000 people according to Palestinian health authorities. It has forced nearly all of Gaza's over 2 million people from their homes and caused what a global hunger monitor called last week an unfolding famine. That has caused widespread international anger and prompted several European countries to say they would recognise a Palestinian state next month if there was no ceasefire. Inside Gaza on Tuesday, Israeli gunfire and strikes killed at least 13 Palestinians, local health authorities said, including five people in a tent in Khan Younis and three aid seekers near Rafah in the south. TANK PUSH Israeli tanks pushed into central Gaza earlier on Tuesday but it was not clear if the move was part of a larger ground offensive. Palestinians living in the last fifth of the territory where Israel has not yet taken military control via ground incursions or orders for civilians to leave said any new move to occupy the area would be catastrophic. "If the tanks pushed through, where would we go, into the sea? This will be like a death sentence to the entire population," said Abu Jehad, a Gaza wood merchant, who asked not to be named in full. A Palestinian official close to the talks and mediation said Israeli threats could be a way to pressure Hamas to make concessions at the negotiation table. "It will only complicate the negotiation further, at the end, the resistance factions will not accept less than an end to the war, and a full withdrawal from Gaza," he told Reuters, asking not to be named. Israel said it would allow merchants to import goods. A source in Gaza told Reuters some trucks had already entered carrying chocolates and biscuits for a merchant. It is hoped that essential items such as children's milk, fresh meat and fruits, sugar, and rice could be allowed in, which would alleviate scarcity and drive down prices of what is available in the markets. U.S. Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff said last week he was working with the Israeli government on a plan that would effectively end the war in Gaza. But Israeli officials have also floated ideas including expanding the offensive and annexing parts of Gaza. The failed ceasefire talks in Doha had aimed to clinch agreements on a U.S.-backed proposal for a 60-day truce, during which aid would be flown into Gaza and half of the hostages Hamas is holding would be freed in exchange for Palestinian prisoners jailed in Israel. The Israeli military was expected on Tuesday to present alternatives that include extending into areas of Gaza where it has not yet operated, according to two defence officials. Solve the daily Crossword
Newsweek
3 minutes ago
- Newsweek
Saudi Arabia Is Making a Power Play Against Hamas in Gaza
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Saudi Arabia aims to reassert its regional influence by pressing Hamas and Israel to resolve their ongoing war in the Gaza Strip. The campaign comes as U.S.-backed ceasefire talks continue to fail, prompting Riyadh to help rally Western nations toward a new wave of international recognition for Hamas' rival government, the Palestinian National Authority (PA, or PNA), and underlined by the kingdom's decision to sign a statement backed by fellow Arab powers and European nations calling for Hamas' disarmament. These parallel developments have the potential to mark a turning point for Saudi Arabia's role in the conflict. "Saudi Arabia is now in the driver's seat," Nawaf Obaid, a former special adviser to two Saudi ambassadors and consultant to the Saudi Royal Court, told Newsweek. He argued that "the real challenge lies" today in how Saudi Arabia, "by far the most influential Arab country, both in terms of regional leverage and global diplomacy," would be able to press forward in its bid to gain concessions from both Hamas and Israel, while elevating the West Bank-based PA to a position in which it would be able to preside over a unified Palestinian state. "The central question that's been lingering for a while now is Saudi Arabia's role—not just in the Middle East, but far beyond it," Obaid, now a senior research fellow at King's College London, said. "Its importance continues to grow, and it's increasingly clear that if a Palestinian state ever emerges, it will be because of Saudi Arabia. "That is the key formula that many still haven't fully grasped," he added. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman listens as U.S. President Donald Trump (not pictured) speaks during the Gulf Cooperation Council Summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on May 14. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman listens as U.S. President Donald Trump (not pictured) speaks during the Gulf Cooperation Council Summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on May 14. Alex Brandon/AP The Balance of Pressure Saudi Arabia's relationship with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was forged early on in the history of the kingdom. Saudi Arabia, which was proclaimed by founder King Ibn Saud in 1932, was among the Arab nations to reject the United Nations' Israeli-Palestinian partition plan in 1947 and send troops to battle the newly declared Israel the following year. While Saudi Arabia's military role would remain limited in the following decades, the ruling House of Saud remained a major player in Arab views toward the conflict, having cultivated a unique level of regional influence, boosted by its custodianship of the Islam's two holiest sites of Mecca and Medina. Today, this position is further compounded by Riyadh's rapid economic growth and leading roles in regional blocs such as the Arab League, the Gulf Cooperation Council and Organization of Islamic Cooperation. In addition to building upon its long-standing relationship with the United States, Saudi Arabia has also invested in growing ties with China and Russia at a time when Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was pursuing historic transformations at home. Yet the region's dynamics have also shifted substantially since the last Arab-Israeli war that rocked the region more than half a century ago. The war in Gaza, likely deadlier than all previous Arab-Israeli conflicts combined, has pitted Israel against Hamas and a coalition of non-state actors backed by Iran. While Hamas' Muslim Brotherhood-inspired brand of militant Islamist ideology is widely rejected among the leaders of Arab states, regional governments have chosen their messaging carefully throughout the conflict. The last Arab peace plan, spearheaded by Egypt, did not once mention Hamas by name when it was first drafted in March. The call for Hamas to abandon its weapons during the French and Saudi-led conference in New York last week constituted a departure from this approach. Behind the scenes, Obaid argued that Saudi Arabia has begun to turn up the pressure against Hamas, whose military position has degraded significantly since the start of the war, though it continues to mount deadly attacks against Israeli forces. "On the Hamas front, Saudi Arabia exerts influence indirectly, particularly through Egypt and Qatar," Obaid said. "And the Qataris, frankly, are feeling the pressure. Their close association with Hamas is now a liability, and it's in their own interest to facilitate Hamas's agreement to the Saudi-led plan." Qatar, which hosts Hamas' main political office abroad, was notably among the Arab nations to call for the group's disarmament for the first time last week. Obaid said it was his understanding that "some key figures within Hamas have already agreed to the Saudi request," yet "the remaining question is not if, but when the rest will follow—and how the transfer of power to the Palestinian Authority and its security forces will be managed." "For that to happen," he added, "there must be a permanent ceasefire, and that's the biggest hurdle." And while U.S. and Israeli officials accuse Hamas of standing in the way of an end to the war, Obaid argued that "Israel remains the core obstacle—not merely as a state actor, but because of the political fate of one man," Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu has vowed to continue all of the remaining hostages held by Hamas were released, the group was defeated and Gaza could no longer pose a threat to Israel. He has expressed opposition to allowing the PA to take control of Gaza and has preferred President Donald Trump's earlier plan to resettle Palestinians away from the territory, or, according to recent reports, have Israel reassume direct occupation of Gaza, as it did from 1967 to 2005. Such statements appear to have further galvanized Saudi Arabia's effort to enhance its position on the conflict. Eyad Alrefai, an instructor at King Abdulaziz University in Saudi Arabia, argued that "Saudi Arabia's efforts to pressure Israel regarding its actions, particularly in Gaza, are part of a broader goal to achieve a more balanced and equitable approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." This includes acknowledging that Hamas' rule over Gaza, which the group seized from the PA amid post-election clashes in 2007, and the lingering disunity has only brought setbacks to the Palestinian statehood cause. "The Kingdom recognizes that for any meaningful progress to materialize, it is crucial to address the internal divisions among Palestinians," Alrefai told Newsweek. "The governance of Gaza by Hamas has often been marked by conflict, political infighting, and a lack of a cohesive and strategic approach in negotiations with Israel." "This fragmentation complicates the prospects for peace and undermines the credibility of Palestinian leadership in the eyes of the international community," Alrefai said. Hamas fighters stand in formation ahead of a ceremony to hand over Israeli hostages to the Red Cross in Nuseirat, Gaza Strip, on February 22. Hamas fighters stand in formation ahead of a ceremony to hand over Israeli hostages to the Red Cross in Nuseirat, Gaza Strip, on February 22. Abdel Kareem Hana/AP A 'Multifaceted Strategy' Thus far, Hamas has publicly pushed back at the Arab demand for disarmament, particularly after media outlets cited President Donald Trump's special envoy to the Middle East and lead Israel-Hamas negotiator, Steve Witkoff, as saying the group had agreed to such terms. "We reaffirm that the resistance and its arms represent a national and legal right as long as the occupation remains in place—a right recognized by international charters and conventions," Hamas said in a statement issued Saturday. "We will never relinquish this right until all our national rights are restored, foremost among them the establishment of an independent, fully sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital," the group added. Yet Alrefai pointed out that Riyadh's "pragmatic strategy" in "setting clear terms for Hamas" could prove pivotal in shifting the dynamics of the conflict, especially in a way that paved the path for an empowered PA. "By advocating for the cessation of Hamas's rule in Gaza and facilitating a transfer of power to the Palestinian National Authority, Saudi Arabia seeks to promote a unified Palestinian leadership," Alrefai said. "This unification is essential, as it could result in a more credible negotiating partner for both Israel and the international community." "A consolidated Palestinian front would likely be viewed as more legitimate and effective," he added, "opening the door for greater international support for peace initiatives." Alrefai pointed out that Saudi Arabia had "has several strategic tools at its disposal to pressure Hamas into compliance with a peace agreement that facilitates the transfer of power in Gaza to the Palestinian National Authority." "These include leveraging diplomatic influence within the Arab League and among Muslim nations to politically isolate Hamas, providing economic incentives such as financial support to the PNA contingent on Hamas relinquishing control, and mediating reconciliation initiatives to foster dialogue between Hamas and the PNA that lead to power sharing or a full transfer of power," Alrefai said. "Additionally," he added, "mobilizing public opinion across the Arab world can increase pressure on Hamas to comply with expectations for a unified Palestinian leadership, while offering security assistance to the PNA can enhance its governance capabilities, serving as a deterrent against Hamas's continued rule." At the same time, Saudi Arabia could also "pressure Israel," he argued, by utilizing "the prospect of normalizing relations, working with global powers to advocate for a unified stance that calls for an end to the occupation and supports Palestinian statehood." Reports indicate that Saudi Arabia and Israel had discussed normalization under the auspices of the U.S. in the lead-up to Hamas' October 2023 surprise attack that sparked the ongoing war in Gaza. The kingdom has maintained, however, that such a move could only be taken in the event of a framework that would pave the way for Palestinian statehood, now the crux of Saudi Arabia's diplomatic push in Gaza. This "multifaceted strategy," as Alrefai described it, "involves diplomatic, economic, and security measures aimed at unifying Palestinian leadership while leveraging its influence to encourage Israel's compliance with a peace agreement." Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks to the audience at a conference in Jerusalem on July 27. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks to the audience at a conference in Jerusalem on July 27. Ohad Zwigenberg/AP 'Not a Magic Wand' Given its long-standing relationship with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Saudi Arabia is no stranger to peace initiatives. As far back as 1981, then-Crown Prince and future King Fahd proposed an eight-point plan that called for an Israeli withdrawal from territories occupied after the 1967 Six-Day War—including Gaza, the West Bank and east Jerusalem—as well as the Palestinian right to return and the establishment of a Palestinian state. A second Saudi-led proposal was launched in 2002, the "Arab Peace Initiative," which was built upon the 1981 framework, this time offering Arab-Israeli normalization in exchange for Israeli withdrawals and Palestinian statehood. The 2002 plan, though opposed by Israel and sidestepped by the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco through their establishment of diplomatic ties with Israel via the Abraham Accords, continues to serve broadly as the basis for the Arab League's position. Saudi Arabia has also previously weighed in on the rift between Hamas and the PA's leading Fatah faction, overseeing the 2007 Mecca Agreement that sought to establish an ultimately unrealized Palestinian unity government. "Collectively, these efforts represent a continuous narrative of Saudi initiatives designed to lay a political and security foundation upon which a viable Palestinian state can be established," Hesham Alghannam, a scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace's Middle East Center and director general of Naïf Arab University for Security Sciences' Strategic Studies and National Security Programs, told Newsweek. Now, Alghannam argued, the recent "New York Declaration" represents a new chapter in Saudi Arabia's historic engagement on the issue, through its "calling for an immediate cessation of the Gaza war, affirming that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the future Palestinian state, and demanding its unification with the West Bank under the principle of 'one state, one weapon,' achieved through disarming Hamas and transferring all weaponry to the Palestinian Authority's security forces." He warned, however, that such a declaration, as with past initiatives, was "not a magic wand." It would require not only Israeli buy-in, he said, but also the kind of international guarantees that eluded the 1990s Oslo peace accords, which established the PA but were followed by renewed violence rather than the era of peace that was promised. As such, Alghannam explained that the new initiative "advocates for a comprehensive package of international guarantees linking the disarmament of factions to tangible steps: halting settlements, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Palestinian cities and territories, establishing a multinational peacekeeping force to manage the security vacuum in Gaza, and a reconstruction aid package conditioned upon sustained calm." "Without these safeguards," he said, "the principle of 'one weapon' risks becoming 'no weapon' in the face of annexation bulldozers." Palestinian National Authority President Mahmoud Abbas listens to Russian President Vladimir Putin (not pictured) during their talks in the Grand Palace at the Kremlin in Moscow on May 10. Palestinian National Authority President Mahmoud Abbas listens to Russian President Vladimir Putin (not pictured) during their talks in the Grand Palace at the Kremlin in Moscow on May 10. Sergei Bobylev/RIA Novosti/AP Opening the Door Even with support from Saudi Arabia and other nations, the PA finds itself in a fraught position as the war in Gaza approaches the two-year mark on October 7. At 89 years old, PA President Mahmoud Abbas is as old as Saudi King Salman, yet the Palestinian leader lacks a clear successor. The Palestinian leader's two-decade rule has been increasingly subject to claims of corruption, calls for new elections and challenges from both Israel and Hamas. On one side, Israeli officials also accuse the PA of tolerating militant groups and Netanyahu himself has objected to the replacement of Hamas with a "Fatah-stan." On the other, supporters of the more popular Hamas and other armed factions accuse Abbas' administration of too closely cooperating with Israel and have undermined his government through independent activity. Such unrest, coupled with growing Israeli military and settler activity, has turned the West Bank into a war zone on the sidelines of the war in Gaza, further eroding the PA's position and throwing into question the very viability of Palestinian statehood. The hope, according to Alrefai, would be that Saudi intervention could serve as a much-needed boost to the PA's fragile position. "As the PNA garners increased international recognition, Saudi Arabia's endorsement of it over Hamas will serve to enhance the PNA's legitimacy," Alrefai said. "This elevation in status could translate into increased international aid and support for Palestinian state-building efforts, which are vital for the long-term viability and sustainability of a Palestinian state." But there are "significant challenges" involved with such an endeavor, Alrefai said, not least of which include the fact that "Hamas commands substantial support in Gaza, and any attempt to curtail its influence could provoke backlash and lead to further conflict." "The deep-rooted historical grievances and the intricate dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict imply that any transition must be managed with great care to avoid exacerbating existing tensions," he said. Meanwhile, Alghannam said "several critical aspects remain overlooked" as the debate plays out over how Saudi Arabia could play a substantial role on this front. "Reforming the Palestinian Authority—including elections, transparency, and modernization of security forces—is imperative to ensure that disarmament does not translate into unilateral dismantlement of national legitimacy," Alghannam said. "Transitional justice regarding crimes committed in Gaza and the West Bank is essential to prevent cycles of violence." "Economic recovery is even more urgent than constitutional arrangements," he added, "a collapsed economy will create a vacuum quickly filled by more extremist factions." Perhaps even more difficult to approach will be what Alghannam calls "the refugee issue—right of return or compensation," which he said "must be addressed from the outset rather than postponed to 'final status' negotiations, or the agreement risks being suspended in legal and moral limbo." So, while he felt that "the two-state solution remains the most persuasive framework," he argued at the same that "its success hinges on three indivisible components: an Israeli willingness to transcend settlement ideology, international guarantees that are implemented rather than merely promised, and unified Palestinian performance capable of consolidating arms under law instead of shattering it at the first test." "Saudi Arabia has once again opened the door," Alghannam said. "It is now incumbent upon the international community to demonstrate it has learned from Oslo's failure, ensuring this time the clauses are not written with the same ink used to sketch expansionist plans onto maps of the West Bank."
USA Today
5 minutes ago
- USA Today
Israel says it will allow controlled entry of goods into Gaza via merchants
Aug 5 (Reuters) - Israel says it will allow gradual and controlled entry of goods to Gaza through local merchants, an Israeli military agency that coordinates aid said on Tuesday, as global monitors say famine is unfolding in the enclave, impacting the hostages Hamas holds. Israel's COGAT said a mechanism has been approved by the cabinet to expand the scope of humanitarian aid, allowing the entry of supplies to Gaza through the private sector. The agency said the approved goods include basic food products, baby food, fruits and vegetables, and hygiene supplies. More: More Gazans die seeking aid and from hunger, as burial shrouds in short supply "This aims to increase the volume of aid entering the Gaza Strip, while reducing reliance on aid collection by the U.N. and international organisations," it added. It was unclear how this aid operation would work given the widespread destruction in Gaza. Palestinian and U.N. officials say Gaza needs around 600 aid trucks to enter per day to meet the humanitarian requirements - the number Israel used to allow into Gaza before the war. Images of starving Palestinians including children have alarmed the world in recent weeks, while a video released by Hamas on Sunday showing an emaciated captive drew sharp criticism from Western powers. Israel in response to a rising international uproar, announced last week steps to let more aid reach Gaza, including pausing fighting for part of the day in some areas, approving air drops and announcing protected routes for aid convoys. More: US envoy tells Israeli hostage families he's working on plan to end Gaza War Hamas said it was prepared to coordinate with the Red Cross to deliver aid to hostages it holds in Gaza, if Israel permanently opens humanitarian corridors and halts airstrikes during the distribution of aid. Israel and the United States urged the U.N. in May to work through an organisation they back, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which employs a U.S. logistics firm run by a former CIA officer and armed U.S. veterans. The U.N. refused as it questioned GHF neutrality and accused the distribution model of militarising aid and forcing displacement. Palestinians were killed near GHF sites where limited aid was distributed, with the U.N. estimating that Israeli forces have killed more than 1,000 people seeking food since May, most near the organisation's distribution sites. GHF denies that there have been deadly incidents at its sites, and says the deadliest have been near other aid convoys. The war in Gaza began when Hamas killed 1,200 people and took 251 hostage in an attack on southern Israel on October 7, 2023, according to Israeli figures. Israel's offensive has since killed more than 60,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials who do not distinguish between fighters and non-combatants. According to Israeli officials, 50 hostages now remain in Gaza, only 20 of whom are believed to be alive. Hamas, thus far, has barred humanitarian organisations from having any kind of access to the hostages and families have little or no details of their conditions. (Reporting by Alexander Cornwell; Writing by Tala Ramadan and Nayera Abdallah; Editing by Kim Coghill and Michael Perry)
