Mali's transition at risk as political class fights back against dissolution of parties
Political party bans by military authorities in Burkina Faso and Niger have met little resistance, but in Mali they ignited defiance.
On 13 May 2025, Mali's military transitional authority decreed the dissolution of political parties. Although most of the country's nearly 300 parties were not functional, this is a major setback for Mali's prospects of remaining a multiparty democracy.
It is also a notable turning point in the transition that started five years ago, when a double military coup led by Mali's current leader Assimi Goïta toppled the government. By closing down the democratic space, the military authorities risk worsening insecurity in the country, which already faces persistent jihadism and a recurrent rebellion in the north.
However, the country's political parties are fighting back. Whether this will make a difference in a region dominated by juntas remains to be seen.
The decision follows April's national 'consultations' aimed at revising the Charter of Political Parties – a process that most of the political class boycotted. The consultations recommended not only that political parties be dissolved, but a revision of the country's Transition Charter to give Goïta the presidency for a renewable five-year term beginning in 2025.
That last recommendation was not among the subjects officially addressed during the consultations. However, participants emphasised the need for Mali to align its governance framework with Niger and Burkina Faso, its allies in the Alliance of Sahel States Confederation. All three central Sahel countries are governed by military regimes, and have strengthened ties since their January withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States.
Niger's General Abdourahamane Tchiani was sworn in as president for a renewable five-year term on 26 March, in line with recommendations made during national meetings in February. The Nigerien authorities also closed down political parties, acting on the outcomes of these meetings.
Similarly, in Burkina Faso, consultations led to Captain Ibrahim Traoré being declared president of the country for a five-year term. Political party activities were suspended soon after the September 2022 coup, a decision that remains in effect.
In an international environment where the multilateralism system is in crisis and the levers for democratic pressure are weakened, the banning of political parties has met little resistance in Burkina Faso and Niger. In Mali however, the political class is standing up to the authorities.
When Mali's authorities adopted a bill on 30 April repealing laws governing political parties and the opposition, political parties held street protests against the bill. Then on 3 and 4 May, they rallied hundreds of supporters in the capital Bamako, demanding a return to constitutional order by 31 December. The gatherings were disrupted by groups claiming to support the government, and by police who cited the risk of clashes breaking out.
Political parties again called for protests on 9 May, but on 7 May the authorities suspended all their activities and those of associations 'until further notice' – and so the planned demonstrations were postponed.
This public defiance is the first of its kind since Mali's military authorities took hold in August 2020. While it may not significantly shift the balance of power away from the current leadership, the political class is clearly positioning itself as a force that cannot be ignored in shaping the transition.
The protests aimed to defend the existence of political parties. But perhaps more profoundly, they showed a determination to protect the democratic gains secured through bloodshed in the 1991 March Revolution that ended 23 years of dictatorship under Moussa Traoré.
Stirring this potent symbol in Mali's collective political consciousness could unite the elders who fought against Traoré's dictatorship with young people who grew up under democracy. That could mobilise an opposition movement extending beyond the political class, fuelling public protests and heightening concerns over Mali's democratic transition.
This is all the more likely given that after five years of governance, the population is divided on the performance of the military authorities – who have not resolved the country's many economic and social challenges.
Since 2023, persistent power outages have further weakened industrial output and disrupted informal economic activities, which serve as the primary source of income for many families. Costly spending on military equipment and security needs also drains the country's economy. To deal with its financial troubles, government measures include widely unpopular new taxes on telephone calls and mobile money transfers.
These challenges fuel public discontent and could revive popular interest in political parties. In such a context, repressive measures by the authorities could backfire, strengthening support for the very opposition parties they aim to neutralise.
Political instability would further complicate the government's challenges. Rather than restricting the political space, it should consider dialogue with all political forces. This is in line with the government's intention, from the outset, to draw up a new legislative framework that better organises and regulates the political sector.
Aligned with this objective, the authorities should involve all political actors in a dialogue process that drafts a new Charter of Political Parties and produces an electoral agenda for ending the transition.
With Mali's membership of the African Union (AU) suspended following the coups, the AU's potential role in resolving the tensions is not straightforward. Nevertheless, diplomatic solutions must be found.
For example, article 25, paragraph 3 of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance gives the AU a responsibility to help any nation transition towards restoring democracy. This enables the continental body to offer support to Malian authorities and the political class in facilitating dialogue or appointing a facilitator acceptable to all parties.
The AU could leverage its Africa Facility to Support Inclusive Transitions, a platform developed in collaboration with the United Nations Development Programme to promote inclusive dialogue among key players and provide technical and financial assistance. DM
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Daily Maverick
29-05-2025
- Daily Maverick
Trust deficit threatens Guinea's peaceful return to civilian rule
Despite some progress, consensus on the electoral process and the expansion of democratic freedoms remains crucial. Since the military coup that ousted president Alpha Condé in 2021, the handling of Guinea's transition back to civilian rule has been criticised. In particular, the Forces vives de Guinée (FVG) group of political parties and civil society organisations has pointed to slow progress in keeping to the transition timetable. Although positive steps were recently taken – notably the announcement of a constitutional referendum date – these haven't been enough to build trust between political actors and the transitional government. According to the 10-point timetable agreed to by General Mamadi Doumbouya's junta and the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), the transition was to end in December 2024 with elections. That deadline was extended to 2025. On 1 April, the transitional government announced a constitutional referendum scheduled for 21 September – an important milestone and a prerequisite for holding presidential, legislative and local elections. Authorities also clarified progress achieved, especially regarding three of the timetable's 10 points: the administrative civil status census (Recensement Administratif à Vocation d'État Civil, or Ravec), drawing up a voters roll and drafting a new constitution. When the transition timetable was adopted, many questioned the appropriateness of compiling the voters roll from the computerised Ravec-generated civil register, and called for the register to be revised. However, to save time, the transitional authorities decided to maintain Ravec and conduct a parallel electoral census by 20 June. The new draft constitution – based on several written and oral contributions – was presented in July 2024 and disseminated among citizens. The draft was adopted by the transitional parliament on 9 April and forwarded to Doumbouya. Given Guinea's troubled political and institutional history, this inclusive process was a vital step in guaranteeing the country's post-transition stability. Prime Minister Bah Oury has raised the possibility of holding the presidential and legislative elections in tandem following the constitutional referendum. This echoes FVG members' call for the timetable to be revised to allow these elections to be held simultaneously, while leaving it to the next civilian leadership to organise the local elections. This option, which reverses the initial election sequence – from local to presidential – seems pragmatic, particularly considering the shortages of resources needed to meet transition timetable deadlines. These decisions provide much-needed clarity on the steps needed to end the transition. But the crisis of confidence between political actors and transitional authorities could still obstruct efforts to peacefully achieve a constitutional order. The crisis is fuelled by a lack of consensus on the electoral process, the closing of political and civic space and disagreement around Doumbouya's possible candidacy for the next presidential election. While the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralization (MATD) has announced it will organise all the elections scheduled on the timetable, the main political parties want an independent and impartial electoral commission to have this responsibility. The authorities plan to set up an Independent Technical Body for Electoral Management, comprising political party and civil society representatives. But this body will only monitor and supervise the electoral process, while the MATD organises the polls. How the Independent Technical Body for Electoral Management functions will be decisive, particularly at a time when civic life is being constrained. These constraints include a ban on protests since May 2022, the disappearance of civil society organisation leaders and a journalist, and state restrictions on the media. Added to this – against a backdrop of intra-party quarrels – is the provisional suspension of the main opposition parties (Union of Republican Forces and Rally of the Guinean People) following a MATD evaluation of political parties. The political class fears this will serve the transitional authorities by consolidating their position ahead of elections. Already, shows of support for the ruling National Committee of Reconciliation and Development (CNRD) and its president, Doumbouya, are multiplying. Members of the CNRD and government have publicly affirmed their backing for his candidacy in the next presidential election. Yet Doumbouya has repeatedly promised that neither he nor any member of the transitional government or parliament would stand in an election to end the transition. This aligns with Guinea's transitional charter and the African Union's (AU) normative framework – to which the transitional authorities have reaffirmed their commitment. Some opposition and civil society members see recent trips around the country by CNRD and transitional government members as disguised election campaigns to prepare the public for a Doumbouya candidacy. An Afrobarometer study shows that while Guineans have a relatively high level of confidence in the transitional authorities and are satisfied with its achievements in terms of road infrastructure, their desire for democracy remains. As Guinea moves towards constitutional order, it needs help from international actors and partners. Ecowas' technical mission to Conakry in April to support the transition is welcomed. Its assistance to the transitional government, notably in mobilising funding through a 'round table of partners', is also significant. With the backing of the AU and the United Nations (UN), this technical support should be complemented by sustained political and diplomatic efforts, as the UN's November 2024 assessment report indicated. Such efforts must consider the regional context and the need for Ecowas to stand by its democratic governance principles. Ecowas should encourage dialogue to reach consensus on the technical and political conditions for holding the various elections. Talks will reduce tensions and help foster a more peaceful environment ahead of the polls. This is vital, considering that electoral crises have historically been a catalyst for political tensions in Guinea. DM
Eyewitness News
28-05-2025
- Eyewitness News
At 50, West African bloc teeters amid shifting alliances, security woes
LAGOS - Leaders of ECOWAS are gathering on Wednesday to celebrate 50 years since its formation and are expected to address regional security challenges as the continent also seeks answers in the face of US trade tariffs and aid cuts. The anniversary could not have come at the worst of moments for the Economic Community of West African States - once internationally respected as a force for stability. ECOWAS is now fractured following the departure of junta-led countries Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger earlier this year. It is also grappling with its security challenges with jihadists exploiting strained relationships between members and gaining ground in the Sahel and Lake Chad region. Benin and Nigeria have experienced a wave of attacks in recent months. And the Sahel region was in 2024 ranked the epicentre of global "terrorism" for the second straight year, accounting for more than half of deaths put down to terror attacks worldwide, according to the Global Terrorism Index published in March. Coups and attempted putsches - driven by widespread public discontent and distrust in political elites - have rocked nearly half of original ECOWAS countries in the last decade, putting democracy on the ropes and straining relations among neighbours. The departure of the three countries from ECOWAS dealt a blow to the bloc's credibility and regional influence, experts say. The exit "is a major dent on this organisation's capacity to harness the optimism and hopes of its birth", said Kwesi Aning, an expert in international cooperation at the Accra-based Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre. "It reflects a disastrous level of leadership amongst ECOWAS leaders," he added. TURMOIL AND TRADE Nigeria's President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the current head of the rotating ECOWAS presidency, and the 89-year-old ECOWAS co-founder and former Nigerian military leader, General Yakubu Gowon, are due to address the gathering at a hotel in Lagos. As the region's largest economy and most populous nation, Nigeria was expected to be ECOWAS's "stabilising force", but it is "faltering", said SBM Intelligence in a report released Wednesday. "Its internal crises — including economic mismanagement, political instability, the Boko Haram insurgency, and governance failures — have significantly diminished its ability to lead", said the report. Overall, ECOWAS "finds itself at a critical juncture between its foundational aspirations of economic integration and peace and the stark realities of regional insecurity, democratic backsliding, and internal fragmentation," said SBM Intelligence. The impact of the turmoil on trade among countries is stark. Before relations between neighbours Nigeria and Niger soured following a coup in Niamey in July 2023, Nigerian traders shipped out several truckloads of edible grains from the bustling Dawanau market in the northwestern state of Kano daily. While the volume of grains supplied from the Kano market into Niger has not changed much, it is the cost of doing so that is now biting. Multiple traders and truckers told AFP in Kano that taxes paid on Nigerian goods imported into Niger have increased fivefold, fuelling a spike in smuggling activities across porous borders. "We were paying an equivalent of 100,000 naira (about $64) as import duty on each truck before they left ECOWAS, but we now pay around 500,000 naira," said 40-year-old trucker Aliyu Abubakar. "Smuggling is thriving," said Mustapha Buhari, 47, a resident of Nigeria's Mai-Adua, a border town.
Daily Maverick
19-05-2025
- Daily Maverick
Mali's transition at risk as political class fights back against dissolution of parties
Political party bans by military authorities in Burkina Faso and Niger have met little resistance, but in Mali they ignited defiance. On 13 May 2025, Mali's military transitional authority decreed the dissolution of political parties. Although most of the country's nearly 300 parties were not functional, this is a major setback for Mali's prospects of remaining a multiparty democracy. It is also a notable turning point in the transition that started five years ago, when a double military coup led by Mali's current leader Assimi Goïta toppled the government. By closing down the democratic space, the military authorities risk worsening insecurity in the country, which already faces persistent jihadism and a recurrent rebellion in the north. However, the country's political parties are fighting back. Whether this will make a difference in a region dominated by juntas remains to be seen. The decision follows April's national 'consultations' aimed at revising the Charter of Political Parties – a process that most of the political class boycotted. The consultations recommended not only that political parties be dissolved, but a revision of the country's Transition Charter to give Goïta the presidency for a renewable five-year term beginning in 2025. That last recommendation was not among the subjects officially addressed during the consultations. However, participants emphasised the need for Mali to align its governance framework with Niger and Burkina Faso, its allies in the Alliance of Sahel States Confederation. All three central Sahel countries are governed by military regimes, and have strengthened ties since their January withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States. Niger's General Abdourahamane Tchiani was sworn in as president for a renewable five-year term on 26 March, in line with recommendations made during national meetings in February. The Nigerien authorities also closed down political parties, acting on the outcomes of these meetings. Similarly, in Burkina Faso, consultations led to Captain Ibrahim Traoré being declared president of the country for a five-year term. Political party activities were suspended soon after the September 2022 coup, a decision that remains in effect. In an international environment where the multilateralism system is in crisis and the levers for democratic pressure are weakened, the banning of political parties has met little resistance in Burkina Faso and Niger. In Mali however, the political class is standing up to the authorities. When Mali's authorities adopted a bill on 30 April repealing laws governing political parties and the opposition, political parties held street protests against the bill. Then on 3 and 4 May, they rallied hundreds of supporters in the capital Bamako, demanding a return to constitutional order by 31 December. The gatherings were disrupted by groups claiming to support the government, and by police who cited the risk of clashes breaking out. Political parties again called for protests on 9 May, but on 7 May the authorities suspended all their activities and those of associations 'until further notice' – and so the planned demonstrations were postponed. This public defiance is the first of its kind since Mali's military authorities took hold in August 2020. While it may not significantly shift the balance of power away from the current leadership, the political class is clearly positioning itself as a force that cannot be ignored in shaping the transition. The protests aimed to defend the existence of political parties. But perhaps more profoundly, they showed a determination to protect the democratic gains secured through bloodshed in the 1991 March Revolution that ended 23 years of dictatorship under Moussa Traoré. Stirring this potent symbol in Mali's collective political consciousness could unite the elders who fought against Traoré's dictatorship with young people who grew up under democracy. That could mobilise an opposition movement extending beyond the political class, fuelling public protests and heightening concerns over Mali's democratic transition. This is all the more likely given that after five years of governance, the population is divided on the performance of the military authorities – who have not resolved the country's many economic and social challenges. Since 2023, persistent power outages have further weakened industrial output and disrupted informal economic activities, which serve as the primary source of income for many families. Costly spending on military equipment and security needs also drains the country's economy. To deal with its financial troubles, government measures include widely unpopular new taxes on telephone calls and mobile money transfers. These challenges fuel public discontent and could revive popular interest in political parties. In such a context, repressive measures by the authorities could backfire, strengthening support for the very opposition parties they aim to neutralise. Political instability would further complicate the government's challenges. Rather than restricting the political space, it should consider dialogue with all political forces. This is in line with the government's intention, from the outset, to draw up a new legislative framework that better organises and regulates the political sector. Aligned with this objective, the authorities should involve all political actors in a dialogue process that drafts a new Charter of Political Parties and produces an electoral agenda for ending the transition. With Mali's membership of the African Union (AU) suspended following the coups, the AU's potential role in resolving the tensions is not straightforward. Nevertheless, diplomatic solutions must be found. For example, article 25, paragraph 3 of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance gives the AU a responsibility to help any nation transition towards restoring democracy. This enables the continental body to offer support to Malian authorities and the political class in facilitating dialogue or appointing a facilitator acceptable to all parties. The AU could leverage its Africa Facility to Support Inclusive Transitions, a platform developed in collaboration with the United Nations Development Programme to promote inclusive dialogue among key players and provide technical and financial assistance. DM
