Parliament holds a whip-round for man who kept democracy afloat
Some have liked to 'put some stick about', as Francis Urquhart called it in House of Cards, but modern party management is a bit less harsh. As Sir Gavin Williamson, Theresa May's first chief, once said: 'It's amazing what can be achieved with a sharpened carrot.'
It is rare for one chief whip to speak about his job. To hear six is extraordinary. What would be the collective noun? A flagellation? It takes something special for them to open up, and that something was the death of a man who made their lives much easier (or, in the case of Simon Hart, a publisher's advance).
Formally, Sir Roy Stone, who has died in his early 60s, was called principal private secretary to the chief whip, a civil service role he held for 21 years under five prime ministers and 13 chiefs, five Labour, eight Tory. In Westminster, they knew him by a euphemism. Yesterday, they said goodbye to The Usual Channels.
As ducks float serenely across a lake while paddling like mad underwater, so Stone was the opposite: his job was to make democracy run smoothly no matter how chaotic it looked on the surface. It was appropriate that tributes to The Usual Channels followed Foreign Office questions, for it is important to realise that amid such rancour and unrest, with questions on Gaza, Ukraine, Iran, Trump, politicians can put aside their differences to say 'well done, good and faithful servant'.
Sir Alan Campbell, the current Chief, rose first to praise Stone's integrity in 'tumultuous times'.
Sir Julian Smith, May's second chief, reminded MPs that The Usual Channels was how legislation, debates, statements and, most importantly, recess dates were arranged. Stone was 'fair to all sides', he said, but often frustrated by politicians' ineptitude.
Williamson said that Stone told him he 'worked for me 51 per cent of the time and for the Opposition 49 per cent'. The former chief asked if he should study the manual of parliamentary procedure (that Williamson thrice referred to it as 'Erskine and May' suggests he didn't make it past the cover) and was told that 'only strange people and clerks' do that. After the 2017 election, when May didn't get the landslide she expected, Stone told Williamson 'you clucking screwed that up' (he may have misheard), and then calmly got on with working out how the Government could function. Up to a point.
The smaller parties valued him too. Wendy Chamberlain, a Lib Dem, had a lump in her throat as she expressed gratitude for the respect he gave her as chief whip for a party of 11. Further praise came from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. It fell to Alistair Carmichael, however, to speak of Stone's finest balancing act, when he served two masters in the coalition years.
There was only one occasion when Stone's mask slipped, Carmichael said, and that was early in the power-sharing era when he had been called on as Lib Dem chief to look after an MP's baby in the whips' office and Stone walked in mid-nappy change. To the unflappable Usual Channels, a chief wiping a baby's backside was a modernisation too far.
'One glimpse at his face,' Carmichael said, 'told me that this realised his worst fears about having Liberal Democrats in government'.
Perhaps, however, Stone was simply thinking of the line that is often attributed, wrongly, to Mark Twain: 'Politicians and nappies should be changed regularly and for the same reason.'
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Independent
4 minutes ago
- The Independent
Would a new property tax be electoral disaster for Labour?
For many months, ministers have been curiously coy about whether they would introduce a ' wealth tax '. It was previously flatly denied and was not mentioned in the manifesto. Yet more recently, from Sir Keir Starmer down, there's been a refusal to comment. Now, perhaps, we know why: a conscious leak from the Treasury suggests Rachel Reeves is contemplating reforms to stamp duty and council tax that would amount to a new property tax. Apparently, the chancellor has briefed cabinet colleagues about the project and they are gauging public reaction. If implemented, it would be a politically brave move. What does the chancellor want? There are few details, but Reeves's idea seems to be to levy a new tax on homes worth more than £500,000 with, most likely, some adjustments to council tax and stamp duty at all levels of the property market. This new levy would replace stamp duty on owner-occupied primary residential homes (second and rental homes being treated differently already). A further annual local property tax would be added, based on an updated estimation of relative property values; this would replace council tax. When does she want it? A new national property levy could replace stamp duty in this parliament. A wholesale reform of local government finance, including a transition from council tax to local property tax and a valuation of every single home, would take years. Reportedly, that would be for Labour's hoped-for second term. Why is it being considered? Reeves is desperate for new sources of tax revenue that won't violate the manifesto commitment not to raise rates of income tax, employee national insurance and VAT. That doesn't leave much, even with income tax and NI thresholds frozen. Some researchers estimate the 'black hole' in the government's budget could yawn to about £40bn a year by the end of this parliament – way more than the current level and beyond what fiscal rules and the markets would tolerate. Is a property tax a good idea in any case? Yes, in the sense that the British approach to taxing wealth is completely irrational. Unlike any other asset – rental properties, shares, artworks, businesses – the value of a main home is untaxed, nor are any capital gains derived from moving up the property chain. That badly distorts against investment in productive capital and in favour of consumption, and thus blunts productivity growth and living standards. The resulting concentration of wealth as it cascades down the generations with minimal inheritance tax is driving a steadily more unequal society. Would a new property tax be a wealth tax? Yes, but it might be presented as a fairer and more rational version of the wealth taxes we already have: council tax, stamp duty, capital gains tax and inheritance tax. But it would suffer from the same drawbacks as council tax (and, to a lesser extent, stamp duty) in that it is almost completely unrelated to ability to pay. Someone lucky enough to live in what is now a very valuable home, but who has a small income in retirement, couldn't afford an annual tax bill and would have to borrow against or sell their home (although the tax could be deferred until death and deducted from the estate at probate, making it effectively a hike in inheritance tax). It would also favour the wealthy few whose money is tied up in several properties or businesses because they would only be liable on the first property as a main home; a 'proper' and efficient wealth tax would treat all kinds of assets neutrally. A more sensible approach to local government finance might be a local income tax – a policy idea adopted in Scotland by the SNP government in 2007 but later abandoned – and a more sensitive way of transferring money from richer areas to poorer ones. At the moment, council tax rates vary considerably between different areas, and about a fifth of local government funding comes from the Treasury out of central taxation. How much might it be? Anyone's guess, but most likely unrelated to wages or other income. The centre-right think tank Onward, which last year came up with the original paper that inspired the Treasury, suggested that owners, rather than the residents, of a property worth up to £500,000 would pay various tiered rates of national and local property tax dependent on the value of their home. They would pay a minimum of £800 a year directly to their local authority, but who knows what living in a £2m townhouse would set you back. How would it play politically? Disastrously. Any such reform necessarily creates winners, who are electorally ungrateful, and losers, who are highly resentful. The last time such a change was attempted was when the 'rates' were abolished in the late 1980s to make way for the flat rate per-person poll tax, triggering a riot, mass non-payment, and ultimately contributing to the fall of Margaret Thatcher. Vast accidental disparities in individual liabilities rendered the poll tax impractical and indefensible; it took some years and much cost to the Treasury to move from the poll tax to the current council tax regime with its various reliefs and exemptions. Memories of that painful episode mean no government has dared to touch property taxation besides fiddling around the thresholds. By making the plan part of the next Labour manifesto, but without much detail about who would pay and how much they'd pay, paranoia about the new tax would run rampant. Inheritance tax, which very few estates actually pay, is almost universally hated, and so would be a new 'Labour wealth tax'. It would be regarded as a 'tax on aspiration'. Whisper it, but some of the 'working people' that Labour has solemnly pledged to protect own their own homes, and it is their sole source of wealth. Some imagine they will one day have a £1m house; they may already do if they live in London. Even with her proven record of poor political judgement, it is hard to understand what Reeves is playing at. At best; she is being pushed around – again – by Treasury civil servants who care nothing about politics; at worst, she's become a little too crazed about fiscal rectitude.
Telegraph
6 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Starmer's policies are ‘suicidal' on doorstep, says Labour MP
Sir Keir Starmer's policies have been 'suicidal on the doorstep', a Labour MP has admitted. Ian Byrne said voters had been repelled by the Prime Minister's positions on issues including the winter fuel allowance, the two-child benefit cap and cuts to disability benefits. His remarks came as a YouGov poll showed the Government's approval rating has hit a new low, matching scores recorded by Rishi Sunak's Tory administration just before the last election. Labour lost almost two-thirds of seats it defended at May's local elections and is now trailing Reform UK by an average of nine points in the polls. Mr Byrne, who has represented Liverpool West Derby since 2019, was one of seven MPs temporarily suspended by Sir Keir in July last year after voting to lift the two-child benefit cap. After having the Labour whip restored in February, Mr Byrne went on to vote against even a heavily watered-down version of the Prime Minister's flagship reforms to disability benefits. In an interview with The Big Issue, Mr Byrne said: 'I got suspended for voting against the two-child benefit cap six months out. 'I told them to scrap the winter fuel payment because it was going to be a political disaster. I was ignored, and they've had to do a U-turn on that. You're burning political capital all the time on things that aren't necessary.' He added: 'Obviously we have the cuts to disability benefits and Pip (personal independence payments) and obviously we were extremely strong against them because, again, we could see the damage it was going to do to my community and the damage it was going to do to the city of Liverpool and beyond.' Describing Sir Keir's planned cuts as 'totally unnecessary', Mr Byrne said: 'I think that's where we had to make the Government understand. We just need to stop making political decisions which are suicidal on the doorstep.' In June, Sir Keir was forced to reverse his decision to deny pensioners the winter fuel payment following a Labour rebellion. He previously defended stripping around 11 million retirees of their allowance by claiming it was necessary to fund the NHS, while Lucy Powell, the Leader of the Commons, claimed the policy was needed to prevent a run on the pound. But outcry from the public and his backbenchers restored the benefit to around nine million pensioners, excluding only two million who earn £35,000 or more. A month later, the majority of Sir Keir's welfare reforms – which were designed to save around £5bn a year and get more people back into work – were torn up in the Commons. More than 120 Labour MPs said they could not support the proposals, prompting a major climbdown that will allow all existing disability claimants to keep their benefits. Changes to eligibility for Universal Credit have also been delayed. Mr Byrne also predicted an 'almighty squeeze' on Labour at future elections amid the ongoing rise of Reform to its Right and the creation of a new party to its Left fronted by Jeremy Corbyn, Sir Keir's predecessor, and Zarah Sultana. Asked about the rise of Mr Corbyn and Ms Sultana's party, which has the temporary name Your Party, he said: 'It's such a shame. Zarah's a great, great friend of mine, and it's such a shame that she feels the Labour Party isn't home for her now. 'That's something which I think everybody here from the top of the Labour Party to the union movements has got to reflect on. And Jeremy as well.' Mr Byrne said Labour's reaction to its troubled start in office had been 'to look at Reform and move towards that ground '. He noted that the new Left-wing would offer a 'different vision', adding: 'I think there'll be a squeeze on both sides, from Reform on the Right and then potentially what comes about from Jeremy's party. 'But you have the Greens, I think [Zack] Polanski's potentially going to win that and he's saying some things which charm an awful lot of people. 'Then you'll have the Lib Dems as well. I just think there's going to be an almighty squeeze on the Labour Party vote.' A YouGov poll on Tuesday showed the Government's net approval rating had fallen to minus 56 points, the lowest figure recorded since Sir Keir took office 13 months ago. Only 13 per cent of voters said they approved of the Labour administration's record to date, with 69 per cent saying they disapproved. Mr Sunak's embattled Tory government recorded net scores of minus 56 points on June 2 and June 10 last year as the then prime minister failed to turn the tide of public opinion in the weeks before polling day. That rating would eventually fall to minus 65 points just before polling day in the wake of a number of scandals on the campaign trail. These included Mr Sunak leaving D-Day commemorations in Normandy early to head back to the UK to carry out a general election TV interview. Craig Williams, the then Tory MP for Montgomeryshire and Cardiff North, was then embroiled in a row over bets placed on the dates of the general election. Mr Williams has since been charged and appeared in court in June, among 14 others, over alleged election gambling offences.
The Guardian
6 minutes ago
- The Guardian
How would potential new property tax differ from stamp duty and council tax system?
The government is considering a new national property tax as the first step towards a radical shake-up of stamp duty and council tax. The discussions taking place at the Treasury – revealed by the Guardian on Monday – have already prompted much debate and, perhaps inevitably, led to an outcry in some quarters. Here we consider how the current system works and how it could change. Two things, essentially. First, sources said Treasury officials were initially examining a potential new tax that would replace stamp duty on owner-occupied homes. It would be paid by homeowners on properties worth more than £500,000 when they sold them. The amount paid would be determined by a property's value. Such a change would be a big deal because under the current system, stamp duty is paid by buyers, not sellers. It could be a bigger concern for some people living in London, the south-east and other areas where property prices are particularly high. Second, officials are also said to be studying whether, after a national tax was brought in, a local property tax could then replace council tax in the medium term. While a new national property tax could in theory be implemented during this parliament, overhauling council tax would take longer and would almost certainly require Labour to win a second term in 2029. You must pay stamp duty land tax (SDLT) – to give it its full name – if you buy a property over a certain price in England and Northern Ireland. There are different approaches to some land taxes in Wales and Scotland. Stamp duty rates vary depending on whether someone is a first-time buyer, and are banded in steps upward depending on the value of the property. They can also vary as a result of stamp duty 'holidays' benefiting some buyers that are brought in from time to time. The rates changed in April this year, and (first-time buyers excepted) where this is the only residential property someone will own, the tax is now zero up to £125,000, then 2% on the portion from £125,001 to £250,000, and 5% on the portion from £250,001 to £925,000. There are then two more bands so that it tops out at 12% on the portion above £1.5m. However, economists and others have long criticised stamp duty as outdated – SDLT is based on a tax first introduced in England in 1694 – and arguably the biggest barrier to moving house. Paul Johnson, until recently the director of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, has said that of all the taxes levied at present, stamp duty on homes 'has a pretty good claim to be the most damaging and pernicious of the lot'. He added: 'The more often you move, the more tax you pay. It gums up the housing market and, by extension, the labour market.' The average stamp duty bill has risen to £9,935, according to research issued earlier this year by Coventry building society. It was £6,235 in 2014, according to its data. But of course, individual amounts vary hugely. It is estimated that the majority of property transactions – about 60%-plus – are affected by stamp duty. It has been suggested it would be paid by owner-occupiers on houses worth more than £500,000 when they sell up. The rate would be set by central government. This tax would not replace stamp duty on second homes. On the face of it, and based on current property prices, a £500,000 threshold would mean that the majority of people selling their home would escape the new tax. The average price of a home in the UK is £272,664 or £298,237, depending on whether you believe Nationwide's or Halifax's latest data. Sign up to Business Today Get set for the working day – we'll point you to all the business news and analysis you need every morning after newsletter promotion But tough luck if you are in London: according to the Halifax's latest data, the average house price in the capital is £539,000. The Guardian reported that the new tax (if it happens) would only affect about a fifth of property sales. Stephen Perkins, the managing director at the home loans broker Yellow Brick Mortgages, said: 'Financially, unless the property tax is ridiculously high, this will raise less money than stamp duty, as fewer homes will be affected.' He claimed: 'Initially, sellers will just build this into asking prices, sending [property] prices up.' Sources said Treasury officials were, in part, drawing on the findings of a 48-page report from the centre-right thinktank Onward, which was published in August last year. This put forward the idea of a 0.54% tax, with a 0.278% supplement on the portion of any value that exceeded £1m, which it said 'would raise the same amount as stamp duty'. The tax would be levied only on properties valued at £500,000-plus, and only on the portion of value above £500,000. The thinktank proposed that someone who had only recently bought their house and paid a substantial sum in stamp duty would not be asked to pay this tax in addition. Council tax has been described as 'a deeply broken system', and in its report, Onward said the way it worked meant 'an average home in Blackpool contributes more to the public purse than a mansion in Kensington'. Council tax bands in England are still set using property values from 1 April 1991, ranging from band A, for homes worth up to £40,000, to band H, for those worth £320,001 and above. The system of funding local government is different across the UK. The average band D council tax set by local authorities in England for 2025-26 was £2,280 – an increase of £109, or 5%, on the 2024-25 figure of £2,171. The idea of a new local annual property levy to replace council tax was also proposed by Onward. That plan – for a 'local proportional property tax' – would result in the owners, rather than the residents, of a property worth up to £500,000 paying varying rates of tax dependent on the value of the home. They would pay a minimum of £800 a year. A rate of 0.44% 'would raise the same amount of revenue as council tax', said the report. The TaxPayers' Alliance was quoted as saying: 'If these reports are true, then taxpayers are facing a wealth tax in all but name.' Craig Fish, the director at the mortgage broker Lodestone, said he was concerned that such a shake-up would stop people selling or moving home, especially in high-value areas. 'The result is less income overall,' he said.
