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The Independent
6 hours ago
- Politics
- The Independent
Why Angela Rayner's comments on summer riots are part of a power play
At least three times now, Angela Rayner has given a major TV interview where she has insisted she does not want to be prime minister. The problem for the deputy prime minister, however, is that her rejections of the crown are not very convincing. And if there is a reason why nobody in Westminster really believes the deputy prime minister in regards to her own ambitions, the intervention on Tuesday during the final cabinet meeting before the summer recess underlined it. Her warning about a summer of riots, linking them to economic woes and failures on controlling migration appeared to be a masterclass of political timing and messaging. At the same time, though, there is surprise among her allies that the normally dull cabinet briefing used her 'spicier language' in a way which has drawn criticism of her. But whether Ms Rayner was happy with the reporting of it or not, there was no doubt that the intervention revealed a politician who has now emerged as one of the most powerful figures in government. There is widespread speculation among Labour MPs that the deputy prime minister is now positioning herself as the lead option to replace Sir Keir should he fall - and at the same time offer a different type of Labour government to the Starmerite project. In terms of political timing, Ms Rayner's intervention worked because it put a full stop to the end of a deeply troubled first year for Sir Keir. The speed with which the public fell out of love with Starmer's government after last year's election landslide, the anger over welfare cuts, winter fuel and other issues has poisoned the initial 12 months of Labour's return to power for the first time in 14 years. With the party at around 22 points in the polls and Nigel Farage 's Reform UK touching 30 points, they know they are in trouble. The threat (imagined or otherwise) of a Jeremy Corbyn-led party could pull away even more support. Ms Rayner ensured that as MPs headed to off on their summer breaks, the last thing they had in their minds was her as a 'more authentic' voice of Labour. There is an increasing feeling within Labour circles that Ms Rayner's 'real Labour' approach to politics is a more effective way of dealing with Farage and Reform, with the party appearing only too happy to pinch leftwing ideas including nationalising steel and the water industry, as well as paying out more benefits. The other, cruder part of the timing is that it was just a week away from the one year anniversary of the awful murders of three children in Southport, an event which triggered the riots across the country. Those riots were the first major challenge to a new Labour government last July and August, with Sir Keir robbed of any post-election honeymoon as the prime minister cancelled his holiday to deal with the unrest. With protests in Epping and problems beginning to stir with both the far right and far left, Ms Rayner was laying down a marker that this time they were ready for it. But there is a problem. As Michael Gove has pointed out, this cavalier use of a threat makes it look like the government 'is at the mercy of events'. Or at least that is what critics of hers will argue. When she returns after the summer, Ms Rayner is hoping to get an official Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, a real platform to wield power and an alternative centre of power to Downing Street. This has been won on the back of her saving the prime minister's skin in the welfare rebellion and negotiating a peace settlement over benefits cuts. The kicking out of four rebels only seems to have stirred up more discontent about Starmer not putting rebels off. Labour tends to not follow the Tory approach of quickly ditching leaders. But Ms Rayner has finished this first year ensuring that she is the clear frontrunner should the current prime minister's position become untenable.
Vogue
7 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Vogue
The Best Hotels in London for Your Next English Adventure
Fifty-seven Whitehall in London's Westminster has had a long and storied history, having played host to Tudor royalty, the locus of the military brainpower behind Britain's victories in the two World Wars, and even as the stomping ground of Ian Fleming, providing ample inspiration for his Bond novels. This September, however, the storied address entered a new era as Raffles London at The OWO (short for 'Old War Office'). The hotel's opening followed a six-year renovation, overseen by the late French architect Thierry Despont, resulting in 120 guest rooms across seven floors, 2.5 miles of corridors, and a 65-foot subterranean pool alongside a Guerlain Spa. Here, oak doors have brass push plates adorned with the royal cipher of Edward VII, and the 13 decorative fireplaces were salvaged from other London landmarks. The wide hallways—designed to accommodate couriers ferrying confidential MI5 and MI6 correspondence—have too been preserved. And the hotel has also kept its discreet entrance off of Whitehall Court, marked by EVIIR (Edward VII) insignia—perfect for spies, or perhaps, today, a privacy-seeking celebrity. —E.T. Photo: Nick Rochowski As far as location goes, One Aldwych is hard to beat. Not only is it a few minutes walk to London hotspots like the Covent Garden Piazza, Trafalgar Square, and an endless number of West End theaters, it's also a hop, skip, and a jump from the Thames pathway and the vast array of cultural attractions along the South Bank. Yet once you're happily ensconced in one of its 105 rooms and suites overlooking the likes of Waterloo Bridge and the London Eye, you'll feel a world away from the clamor of the city. Luxuriously-appointed rooms feature crisp Frette sheets and sleek, minimal interiors that further foster the feeling you're in your very own tranquil haven, while the hotel's Indigo restaurant—with its convivial atmosphere and seasonal menu of inventive British classics—is esteemed enough to attract locals alongside One Aldwych guests. Bonus points too for the health club and indoor pool located in the basement, meaning you can get a few laps in before a long day of walking to see all the nearby sights—or retreat to the sauna to decompress on your return. —L.H. When you buy something through our retail links, we may earn an affiliate commission.
Telegraph
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Telegraph
How the ‘jolly' Commons Speaker became one of Westminster's sharpest operators
Sir Lindsay Hoyle is the face of Parliament. For more than five years, he has run the House of Commons from the gothic splendour of the 13ft Speaker's chair. His public image is one of a bluff, convivial Lancastrian. Ministers and journalists are regularly hosted in his grace and favour house; hotpot tartlet is a party favourite. But his ever-present smile conceals a finely tuned political mind that makes him one of Westminster's sharpest operators. Recent weeks have demonstrated why that is so important. First there were reports of an exchange with Rachel Reeves that saw the Chancellor weep on camera. Then there was the super injunction over the Afghan data leak. Harriet Harman, Sir Lindsay's old rival for the Speakership, suggested he had failed in his duties by not pressuring ministers to tell MPs. 'In the Speaker's chair, all eyes are upon you,' says one Labour veteran. Having watched his two predecessors leave office in disgrace, Sir Lindsay is determined for the same thing not to happen to him. In the Reeves affair, he was trying to smooth things over after a previous altercation about protocol. In Harman's case, his office hit back firmly, pointing out that Sir Lindsay was bound by a super injunction. Publicly robust; privately conciliatory. It is that awareness of the unwritten rules of political discourse which explains Sir Lindsay's prominence in Parliament. His Speakership is the culmination of a lifetime's work. Sir Lindsay was quite literally born into the Labour party. His father, Doug, spent 21 years as an MP; Lindsay's first Labour conference was as a baby in 1957. Growing up, he learnt the political craft from his father. While Hoyle Sr made his name in Westminster, his son cut his teeth in Labour's north-west machine. 'The by-ways of Lancashire,' said one ex-MP in 2019, 'are littered with the bodies of those who've underestimated Lindsay.' Seventeen years on, Chorley borough council refined Sir Lindsay's talents. In 1997, his dad retired, and Hoyle Jr, aged 39, entered the Commons. The 2010 election, in which so many Labour hopes were dashed, proved to be Sir Lindsay's making. Encouraged by friends, he stood for the vacant Deputy Speakership and won. In the words of one colleague, 'The campaign for Speaker began that day.' For nine years, he served as the balm to John Bercow's poison, impressing MPs with his good humour and calm demeanour. The Speaker's decision to quit in September 2019 was a godsend for Sir Lindsay. For two decades, he had cultivated his colleagues; it was his friends, rather than the imminent Tory intake who would choose the new Speaker. 'It was decided by those leaving, rather than those joining,' reflects one former MP. Sir Lindsay was regarded as the runaway favourite and courted the electorate accordingly. To Tories, he sympathised about Bercow's politicking; for Labour it was a chance to have one of their own. Sir Lindsay ran as the candidate of experience, promising to protect MPs' security and restore Bercow's office to its former greatness. During Covid, he won plaudits across the House for his determination to keep the Commons running. His penchant for Urgent Questions made him popular among backbenchers, much to ministers' irritation. 'He runs a permanent campaign,' says one frontbencher. 'We get his regular newsletter and see his stuff online.' Sir Lindsay has a veritable menagerie of pets named after various politicians. His cat, Attlee, boasts its own Instagram account and line of goods in the House of Commons gift shop. He has known tragedy in his family life, too: Sir Lindsay has spoken movingly about the death of his daughter Natalie, aged just 28, in 2017. Sir Lindsay's worst moment as Speaker came in February 2024. As Labour tore itself apart on Gaza, Sir Lindsay was accused of favouritism by ignoring official advice. During an SNP motion calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, opponents charged that Sir Lindsay had bent parliamentary rules to let an alternative Labour amendment be debated instead. His response to the ensuing outrage showed his skills as a survivor. He apologised, quickly, on the floor of the Commons, offering to meet with parties 'to discuss the way forward'. That ability to admit mistakes and grasp 'the mood of the House' is partly why he has been able to survive the fractious era of post-Brexit politics. 'Lindsay likes to be liked,' says a friend. 'He understands people – how they work, what they think and where they want to be.' His attentiveness to MPs' needs has helped him win unlikely friends too. Within Reform there is praise for how the Speaker has welcomed their new MPs and given them suitable offices in Parliament. Nigel Farage has publicly declared his respect for Sir Lindsay. Where Bercow revelled in conflict, his successor largely eschews it. 'He's always down our end of the tea room,' remarks one Tory. For such an astute operator, the Speaker does have a blind spot. His taste for the trappings of office has provoked much comment in the press. A string of foreign trips in business or first class ran up a sum of £275,000 in two years; Bercow took 10 years to rack up the same bill for 'non-regular' foreign travel. His accommodation is invariably high-end: the St Regis in Doha, the Westin Grand in the Cayman Islands, and the Ritz-Carlton in Los Angeles. One long-standing colleague suggests that Sir Lindsay's choices are indicative of an Old Labour mindset, namely that 'nothing's too good for the workers'. There are gifts too, with Sir Lindsay keeping almost 300 presents since 2021 including dozens of bottles of alcohol, hampers, ties, cufflinks and chocolates. No rules have ever been broken, but there are echoes of the 'freebiegate' row that plagued this Government in its first months in office. Sir Lindsay's reputation as being 'pro-MP', means, in the words of one, 'none of us want to make much out of all that'. The Speaker is unapologetic, insisting that he is merely maintaining the prestige of the office. Aides argue that his post confers an ambassadorial role, requiring him to build links between his office and its equivalents around the world. 'Other Speakers have their own aircraft and travel around the world all the time without criticism,' declared Sir Lindsay earlier this year. He sees himself as an unabashed champion of parliament. Critics, though, question his mission of 'Speaker-led diplomacy'. They ask whether diplomacy ought not to remain the sole preserve of the elected government. A mis-sent email in January 2024 prompted a public row over whether Sir Lindsay had intended to fly the Palestinian flag from the grandly-named 'Speaker's Flagpoles'. Sir Lindsay denied this was ever his intention. Aiding the Speaker is an expanding team: the head count in the Speaker's office has doubled since he took over. Yet despite his wobbles, Sir Lindsay seems near-certain to serve out the remainder of his Speakership in this parliament. Already there have been murmurings, sotto voce, about likely contenders. The diary columnists have started tipping Meg Hillier, the Treasury Select Committee chair. Nus Ghani, the current Deputy Speaker, is another seen as 'on manoeuvres'. At 68, Sir Lindsay is yet to name an exit date. But would-be pretenders for his chair could do worse than study his rise to the Speakership and make their plans accordingly. After all, that is what Sir Lindsay would do.
The Independent
8 hours ago
- Politics
- The Independent
Your move, Jenrick… passed over for promotion, what will Kemi's biggest rival do next?
Robert Jenrick insists that he is happy where he is. I am told that he 'genuinely' did not want to be shadow chancellor, and that he is 'concentrating on the job at hand' as shadow justice secretary. 'That's what Kemi [Badenoch] has asked him to do for her, and that's what he has to focus on,' says an ally. Jenrick focuses on it effectively, finding the holy grail of 'cut-through' for his recent video in which he accosted fare-dodgers and asked them if they would go back and pay. That is just about in his justice department brief – but he is also known for ranging more widely in his social media communications. Pride of place in his X (I still call it Twitter) account is a two-minute video setting out his assessment of Keir Starmer's first year, a 'year of lies and decline'. It is the sort of thing a leader of the opposition might produce – if they were unwise enough to use the word 'lies'. Jenrick's ambition is taken for granted across Westminster. At his summer reception for journalists at No 10 last night, the prime minister joked about Jenrick's imminent replacement of Kemi Badenoch. Most senior Conservatives who are no longer MPs say the same three things privately. One, that they do not expect Badenoch to survive as leader through this parliament. Two, that they expect Jenrick to succeed her. And three, that they think he will do a deal with Nigel Farage to 'unite the right' before the election. Jenrick's allies try to squash such talk – or, at least, they try to make it clear that their man is not encouraging it. One tells me: 'Rob is concentrating on the job at hand as shadow justice, trying to highlight issues that need fixing and then putting pressure on the government to fix them.' When I point out that leadership speculation is rife, this ally says: 'Others can talk about whatever they like, but Kemi's job is incredibly tough and she's doing a good job. It's not for Rob to get into any leadership chatter.' But the chatter is happening anyway. Will Lloyd has an article in the New Statesman repeating a lot of it, and predicting that Badenoch will be challenged when the rules allow it after she has been leader for a year in November. This may be right, even if a lot of the criticism of Badenoch is unfair. I do not believe that either Jenrick or James Cleverly would have done any better over the past year: the Conservative Party's problems go much deeper than something that can be fixed by a swashbuckling performance at Prime Minister's Questions or a viral video. The problem is the Tory government's record, particularly on immigration, and no one who was a minister in that government is going to escape that record until they have served several years in quarantine. But politics isn't fair, and so the Tories might change leader, despite Badenoch trying to shore up her position by bringing Cleverly into the shadow cabinet. It might happen because it is one of the few things that a Tory MP can actually do that might make a difference, even if they know that it probably won't. This is despite the doubling of the threshold for triggering a leadership election. After Badenoch was elected, Bob Blackman, the chair of the Tory backbench 1922 Committee, announced that a vote of no confidence in the leader would require private letters from one-third of Tory MPs, namely 40 out of 120, as opposed to the 15 per cent, or 18 MPs, previously needed. As Jenrick had 41 votes in the final MPs' ballot last year, though, this higher number is clearly attainable – even if it probably wouldn't happen straight away in November. Tory MPs would be right to hesitate long and hard before they take such a step. The party has got into the habit of changing leaders, which makes it look like a desperate and directionless rabble. And if it is not obvious that Jenrick would have done better over the past year, why would he do significantly better in future? As for doing a deal with Farage, what is in it for Reform UK? It is not too strong to say that Reform activists hate the Tory party, and there is an equal and opposite repulsion, in that many Tory voters would rather vote Lib Dem than have anything to do with Farage. Nor were relations between Jenrick and Reform smoothed by last week's clash between Jenrick and Zia Yusuf, the head of Reform's 'Doge' unit. Yusuf claimed that 'one of the team who post to my X account accidentally pressed 'like' on an awful antisemitic tweet' about Jenrick, whose wife is Jewish. Jenrick refused to accept Yusuf's apology, calling it 'bulls***'. This spat complicates the other big option for Jenrick, which would be to defect to Reform. This simply 'isn't a consideration', according to Jenrick's ally, and it does seem unlikely. It would depend on Jenrick not becoming Tory leader but deciding, nearer to the next election, that Reform was likely to overtake the Tories in the number of seats in the Commons. Then, if Jenrick is as ambitious as many of his colleagues assume he is, he might think that his best chance of a senior ministerial job would be in a Reform-led government. As I say, unlikely. But a lot of unlikely things have happened in politics.
CBS News
9 hours ago
- CBS News
Police in Denver metro area arrest suspect after stabbing early Wednesday morning
Police in Westminster arrested one suspect after a reported stabbing early Wednesday morning. According to police, officers responded to a reported stabbing just after 4 a.m. in the Labor Works parking lot located near 72nd Avenue and Federal Boulevard. When officers arrived, they said the suspect took off in a vehicle. Officers pursued the vehicle, and the pursuit ended near I-76 and I-70 in Arvada when the suspect pulled over and was taken into custody. Officers said they located a stolen gun inside the vehicle. The 42-year-old victim was transported to the hospital. According to investigators, three people were waiting outside Labor Works for it to open when they got into an argument.
