
Are Film Festivals Rewarding Art or Obedience?
In the polarised world of today, cinema is no longer just about art or entertainment. It has become a potent tool for ideological messaging and image-building by those in power, and for the dissemination of global political narratives. The Iraqi film The President's Cake and the honour it received at the Cannes Film Festival 2025 make this clear: the relationship between cinema and politics is now more intricate and strategic than ever before.
The film tells the story of a 9-year-old girl, Lamia, who is assigned the task of baking a cake for Saddam Hussein's birthday. Through this simple story, director Hassan Hadi not only exposes the harshness of life under a dictatorial regime but also reflects on how a society ends up bowing before authority. This raises an important question: is the international acclaim received by this film purely a result of its artistic merit, or is it part of a larger, calculated political strategy led by the West?
To answer that, we must understand Iraq's history, especially during the rule of Saddam Hussein—a longstanding target of the West. The US attacked Iraq twice: first in 1991 during the Gulf War, and then again in 2003. While these invasions were framed as missions to establish democracy, they led to the deaths of millions and plunged Iraq into decades of instability and chaos.
So, when a film portrays Saddam as a 'villain' and gets honoured on a prestigious platform like Cannes, it is natural to ask about its intent. But while the film starkly portrays the brutality of dictatorship, it also lays bare the fear and suffocation endured by a nation. Hadi made the film in 2023, a time when Iraq was still recovering from the chaos of war. Yet the question lingers: did the film gain such recognition solely for its artistic merits, or is there a deeper political strategy at play here? It's a question worth exploring in detail.
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The President's Cake is not an isolated case. One need not look far back—the Russia-Ukraine war that began in 2022 also dragged cinema into the arena of global political conflict. The Ukrainian documentary20 Days in Mariupol (2023) was championed by the Western media and major international festivals as a powerful act of resistance—a cinematic protest against Russia. This overwhelming support brought it global recognition.
Conversely, Russian films have been blacklisted from the world's most prestigious cinematic forums. Doctor Lisa (2023), though critically acclaimed in Russia, was ignored by festivals like Cannes, Venice, and Toronto. Interestingly, even older Russian films that had once been celebrated in the West, like Leviathan (2014), are now being viewed through a lens of suspicion. Despite criticising the Russian state, Russian directors like Andrey Zvyagintsev (Leviathan, Loveless), Kirill Serebrennikov (Leto, Tchaikovsky's Wife), Kantemir Balagov (Beanpole), or Aleksei Fedorchenko (Silent Souls) have been sidelined by the world movie-watching community in the polarised post-war environment.
Zvyagintsev, once a regular at Cannes and the Oscars, has fallen silent. Serebrennikov faced legal cases in Russia, and when he did attend Cannes, some Western critics labelled him as the 'soft face of Russian culture during wartime'. Balagov moved to the US, but even there, his national identity stood as a barrier. War not only exiled these filmmakers politically but also pushed them into oblivion.
Past precedents
Paradise Now (2005), a film in Arabic and Palestinian languages, tells the story of two young men preparing for a suicide bombing. While Cannes honoured it, the Oscars chose not to nominate it, saying that its approach to terrorism was 'understanding' rather than one of outright condemnation, which is what the American stance was. Similarly, Waltz with Bashir (2008), an Israeli animated documentary about the Lebanon War, was at Cannes and other European festivals, but was kept out of mainstream recognition at awards like the Oscars and the Golden Globes. Its narrative went against the preferred Western framing of Israel as acting in 'self-defence' in declaring war.
French cinema
France, often hailed as the bastion of cinematic freedom, is not immune to hidden political pressures. Michael Haneke's Caché (Hidden) (2005), which exposed France's colonial past, was lauded by critics but ignored by American awards. Bertrand Tavernier's 1992 documentary La Guerre sans Nom, which unflinchingly depicted the horrors of the Algerian War, was also kept away from mainstream spotlight.
Italian Neorealism
In the aftermath of the Second World War, 1940s' Italy gave birth to a cinematic movement that brought the big screen closer to real life by showing the dust of alleyways, the fatigue of workers, the empty pockets of children. This was neorealistic cinema, which had no heroes or villains, only life. Abandoning studio gloss, these films were shot on real streets, with real people. Their rawness created a cinematic echo that could not be ignored—or so one hoped.
The films were sidelined. The Bicycle Thieves and Rome, Open City may have won audiences' hearts, but at Cannes, Berlin, and the Oscars, their presence remained marginal. These films revealed realities the powerful preferred not to see. Vittorio De Sica's The Bicycle Thieves (1948) received multiple international awards, including Best Film at the BAFTAs and the Volpi Cup, but as Italian cinema began critiquing fascism, capitalism, and social inequality, it was relegated to 'arthouse' or 'foreign language' categories.
Pier Paolo Pasolini's The 120 Days of Sodom (1975) was banned and labelled obscene—not because of its form, but because it posed a threat to entrenched power structures. It was sidelined not only in Italy but also across many Western platforms.
African cinema
African cinema has fearlessly portrayed racism, colonialism, and the brutality of power. Yet it has been consistently sidelined on prestigious international platforms. Ousmane Sembène's Black Girl (1966) exposed colonial and racial exploitation. While it was appreciated at smaller European and American festivals, it was largely ignored by the major awards.
Abderrahmane Sissako's Timbuktu (2014) addressed Western terrorism and Islamic extremism. It received an Oscar nomination for Best Foreign Language Film but many other African cinematic milestones—like Cairo Station (1958) and Yeelen (1987)—were excluded from global recognition. Once again, the deciding factor was the political lens—only narratives aligned with Western interests were amplified.
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Back home in India, a new kind of cinema is emerging where the hero is declared, the villain predefined, and the story flows around the corridors of power. The Tricolor flutters, the national anthem echoes, and the camera cuts straight to the heart of the masses. These are the propaganda movies that uphold the narratives of faux patriotism, pride, or valour that are peddled by the present regime to the people. One of them, The Kashmir Files, was hailed as 'essential cinema' in political circles and quickly made tax-free. These films do not just tell stories, they set moods—moods where questions are unwelcome, and pride is non-negotiable. The movies that do not fit into this narrative are either labelled controversial before release, or quietly buried in obscure OTT corners.
While films like The President's Cake and The Kashmir Files may have hidden agendas, there is a crucial difference between the two. In India, the state often sits behind the camera—director, producer, and financier rolled into one. Artists who question the films are labelled as anti-national, agenda-driven, and dismissed. In contrast, as discussed earlier, The President's Cake also problematises the narrative subtly by showing the devastations of war.
Today, every film opens with the disclaimer 'This is a work of fiction'. The question is—is it just fiction, or the curated truth? Cinema is no longer just about storytelling—it is scripting an official history. And in that history, only those who fit the ruling script get screen time.
Zeb Akhtar, a former research scholar with the Ministry of Culture and Makhanlal Chaturvedi National University of Journalism, is presently working on a research project exploring the hidden agendas behind global film awards and festivals.

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Hindustan Times
12 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
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Syrskiy, then the head of ground forces, directed the grim attritional slugfest, earning him the nickname 'the butcher' from the rank and file. Bakhmut began a worrying pattern for Ukraine's army: It was choosing battles its limited manpower couldn't afford, even though it was killing more Russians. The 60-year-old Syrskiy, who became chief commander of the military in 2024, remains widely unpopular with Ukrainian soldiers, many of whom see him as the epitome of the Soviet syndrome: a Moscow-trained career officer who micromanages units on the ground, delaying retreats or ordering assaults that lead to morale-sapping casualties for tree lines or other objectives with little strategic value. Gen. Oleksandr Syrskiy, right, on a visit to the front line in 2024. The General Staff said preserving soldiers' lives and health is a key priority for the military's leadership. 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'They're using the Soviet principles. They don't trust the people under them.' During Ukraine's failed 2023 counteroffensive in the southern Zaporizhzhia region, generals from higher-level headquarters were shouting over the radio at brigade commanders, and even at sergeants on the battlefield, to attack again and again, even as units' casualties were making them incapable of combat, Pasternak said. He recalled a battle last year in which 14 Ukrainian infantrymen, supported by artillery and drone units in their rear, were defending buildings in the Zaporizhzhia region against attack by several hundred Russians with armor and drones. Senior commanders insisted that the position be held, he said. Lt. Col. Yehor Derevianko, commander of a battalion of the 93rd Mechanized Brigade, in the basement where his unit has established a headquarters in the Donetsk railway station, destroyed by shelling and drones. What they didn't realize was that another brigade had lost the area on their right flank, but hadn't told anyone. The Russians came in from the side and killed all 14 infantrymen, he said. Fear of being sacked often leads to brigade commanders not reporting that they've lost a position, said Pasternak and other officers. Pasternak is now training with the new Third Army Corps, being built around an elite brigade that's known for breaking with Soviet traditions: It relies on nimble decision-making at lower levels and tries to preserve its men through rigorous training and constantly analyzing and refining tactics. Meanwhile he's under investigation by his old unit for going AWOL. Collecting firewood Ukrainian forces have suffered around 400,000 total casualties, including up to 100,000 killed, according to a recent estimate by the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. Russian total casualties are approaching one million, up to 250,000 of them killed, according to the CSIS estimate. But Russia's total population is nearly four times bigger. In a country where everyone has a friend or relative who is fighting, stories of conscripts thrown into the fray after barely any training are hampering Ukraine's recruitment efforts. After the initial wave of patriotic enthusiasm in 2022, volunteers have become a trickle. Some soldiers say they warn friends against enlisting. Comrades and relatives of Yuri Kazakov, an army sergeant killed in June, attend his funeral at a cemetery in Kharkiv. One 50-year-old man from Kyiv said he volunteered for the army early this year and soon regretted it. Training consisted of collecting firewood. 'I didn't even see a gun.' When he joined, he said he was promised a job as a driver in a drone unit, but he was sent to join the front-line infantry near Pokrovsk, another main target of Russia's offensive. He drove back to Kyiv, joining tens of thousands of men who have gone AWOL or deserted. 'I'm happy to serve,' he said. 'But I didn't want to head to the front with no knowledge, not even having fired a gun.' The General Staff said training has been improved since last year and all soldiers are taught basic skills including shooting. Chaos in Kursk For many soldiers, Kyiv's incursion into Kursk was emblematic of how lingering Soviet habits are costing lives. The foray began well. Some of Ukraine's best assault troops stormed over the border last summer, catching the Russians by surprise and seizing more than 400 square miles of territory. Ukraine's government hoped the land could be a bargaining chip in peace negotiations. Carrying the fight to Russia was supposed to change the world's perceptions and boost morale at home. But Kursk soon turned into another attritional battle. Russia brought in reinforcements, including its best drone units and some 10,000 North Korean troops. 'They started to cut off our logistics,' said Shyrshyn, whose 47th Mechanized Brigade took part in the incursion. 'By winter we couldn't continue the operation effectively.' He said he wrote reports describing the problems and proposing solutions, but commanders didn't want to make hard decisions. 'We needed to either change the situation on the battlefield, or withdraw. But we just waited, until everything started falling apart.' Fear of making decisions led to a growing paralysis. Two men from the 41st Mechanized Brigade said their unit spotted a group of Russian soldiers out in the open and asked a commander for a mortar strike. But he refused until he had permission from higher up. A Ukrainian soldier wounded at the front is transported inside a stabilization point in the Donetsk cares for a wounded Ukrainian soldier at the medical stabilization point in the Donetsk region. 'If it doesn't work, I'll get blamed,' the commander said. By the time he got approval, the Russians had disappeared. The commander's comment became a punchline among his men. On another occasion, a corporal from the 41st said he and five other soldiers were hunkered down in a trench that was getting pummeled by Russian drones and artillery. Their overhead cover had been destroyed. They asked for permission to retreat a few hundred yards to another tree line. 'Is the square holding?' a commander responded, referring to a colored square on the army's grid map. Since the answer, for the moment, was yes, he denied permission to withdraw. Only after hours of artillery strikes were they allowed to retreat, carrying two men who couldn't walk. 'On the map it's green squares—looks tidy,' the soldier said. 'But decisions need to be made based on what's happening on the ground.' When the Ukrainians finally retreated from Kursk, it was often desperate and chaotic. Units abandoned their vehicles. Men walked long distances on foot. The main road back to Ukraine, by now under intense Russian fire, was strewn with the smoldering corpses of Ukrainian soldiers and stricken vehicles with more dead servicemen inside, according to troops who retreated. A member of the Bulava drone group of Ukraine's Presidential Brigade leaves a bunker near the eastern front where his unit develops and builds drones. Some platoon commanders who withdrew without permission to save their men's lives were investigated. Other men found themselves abandoned in Kursk without orders. A drone operator with the 17th Tank Brigade, known by his call sign Barsik, said his team was encircled by Russians after earlier being told to stay in place. He and three other men managed to escape. Barsik abandoned his brigade and joined the Da Vinci Wolves, a battalion fighting in the Donetsk region. The battalion, which relies on volunteers and private donations, has an unusual degree of independence and is known for taking care of its men. Other soldiers from the Da Vinci Wolves say they're recruiting a growing number of men who've gone AWOL from their old units. 'People were dying without understanding why. Commanders didn't care about the personnel,' said Barsik. Write to Marcus Walker at and Ian Lovett at Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making Ukraine's Once Nimble Army Is Mired in Soviet Decision-Making


India.com
12 minutes ago
- India.com
'GDP may fall by...': Former RBI governor issues big warning for Indian economy, says US tariffs and China can disturb...
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