Zohran Mamdani's support for Palestinian rights sealed mayoral primary win, poll shows
New polling numbers released on Tuesday now show that his open support for Palestinian rights was the issue that "supercharged" his campaign.
An overwhelming 78 percent of New Yorkers who voted for Mamdani agreed with him that Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza, and 79 percent agreed that weapons transfers to Israel should be restricted.
Out of New Yorkers who voted for him, 63 percent of those also supported arresting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - per the warrant from the International Criminal Court - if he visits New York City, something Mamdani has said he would do if he were to be elected mayor in November.
The poll was commissioned by the Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU) Policy Project and conducted by Data for Progress, which collected responses from 513 Democratic primary voters from 11-17 July 2025.
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On all three questions, the largest segment of voters who agreed with Mamdani were those who did not vote in the last mayoral election in 2021 - suggesting they were either too young to vote or that Mamdani's campaign is the one that moved them to the ballot box.
When respondents were asked what issues affected their decision to vote for him, the top responses cited were his plans to lower the cost of living at 89 percent, and his plans to tax the wealthy and stand up to corporations, at 86 percent.
But the third reason they cited was his support for Palestinian rights, at 62 percent.
Among the new voters in 2025, that number rises to 83 percent, at a time when some states and international scholars, including Israeli experts and NGOs, have called Israel's war on Gaza a genocide.
A growing wave
But the sentiment against Israel isn't limited to just New York City.
A new Gallup poll reported by CNN shows Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's approval rating among Americans at -23 points, his lowest in the US since 1997.
Israel's military acts in Gaza were also negatively rated at -28 percent.
Overall, the number of Americans who sympathise with Israelis over Palestinians is at a historic low of +5 points, down from +48 in October 2023, before Israel's war on Gaza.
Israel's war on Gaza has killed over 60,000 Palestinians since the Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel on 7 October 2023. The Lancet medical journal has suggested that the figure may even be an undercount and is likely in the hundreds of thousands.
Mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani fends off hate as he inspires New Yorkers Read More »
The swell of energy around Mamdani's backing of Palestinians and criticism of Israel suggests that the Democratic Party as a whole is out of touch with the electorate, Hamid Bendaas, communications director for the IMEU Policy Project, told Middle East Eye.
"There's that top line of just unanimity around these questions that only a minority of Democratic members of Congress are willing to say, which is referring to or recognising Israel's actions in Gaza as a genocide, and calling for weapons to be restricted to Israel," he said.
The IMEU noted in its statement on Tuesday that the polling included an oversample of New York's 10th congressional district, which is represented by Dan Goldman, who is "funded by AIPAC [and] who has repeatedly voted with Republicans to advance anti-Palestinian legislation".
Aipac is the largest and most influential pro-Israel lobbying group in the US, and it has backed individual lawmakers to the tune of millions of dollars depending on their seniority and influence.
Mamdani's foremost opponent, former New York governor Andrew Cuomo, was supported by Aipac.
"I mean, there's a couple things to break down there, right? One is just the general idea that being critical of the Israeli government as a politician is a liability," Bendaas said. "And there is the liability element of powerful interests that will spend money on ads against you, and they did in this election, seemingly motivated by [Mamdani's] criticism of the Israeli government and his support for Palestinians."
But despite Mamdani being outspent 8-1 by Cuomo, he handily won the primary.
"What we're finding is that especially in the Democratic primary electorate, the view is so close to unanimous that they are supportive of Palestinian rights, and highly critical of the Israeli government, that those millions of dollars actually can't overcome it," Bendaas told MEE.
He said he hopes Mamdani's win on the issue of Palestinian rights can form a blueprint moving forward for a party that is currently stagnant and still reeling from losing the White House and the Senate.
Palestine is "a highly salient issue for voters", Bendaas said.
"It's actually activating people and making people come out for someone who they see doesn't follow" the lines being dictated in Washington, he added, and "they're so drawn to it".
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Such concerns dated back to the early years of colonisation and reflected a broader settler strategy to neutralise Indigenous political power. On 19 July 1972, France's Prime Minister Pierre Messmer outlined this demographic strategy in a letter to the secretary of state for overseas departments and territories: The French presence in Caledonia can only be threatened, barring a world war, by a nationalist claim by the indigenous populations supported by a few possible allies in other ethnic communities coming from the Pacific. In the short and medium term, the massive immigration of French citizens from mainland France or coming from the overseas departments (Réunion) should permit us to avoid this danger, by maintaining and improving the numerical ratio of the communities. This explicit racist stance underscores the historical context of immigration policies designed to maintain French colonial-settler hegemony in New Caledonia. As a major nickel exporter, New Caledonia experienced another wave of settlement during the nickel boom from 1968 to 1971. Between 1968 and 1976, some 15,000 to 20,000 settlers arrived, including many former European colonists fleeing the prospect of equality in newly independent Algeria. It was against this backdrop that, in 1984, the Kanak saw through French proposals for elections and recognised them as a colonial strategy to undermine their demands for independence. Protesters in Paris demonstrate in support of the Kanak people on 14 May 2024, during a debate over a voting reform bill for New Caledonia that would go on to pass in July 2025, despite widespread opposition and unrest (Ludovic Marin/AFP) Less than a month after the Good Friday Agreement was signed in Northern Ireland, French and Kanak officials signed the Noumea Accord on 5 May 1998. The accord envisioned a 15- to 20-year process that would devolve governing powers from Paris to New Caledonia, allow for the possibility of independence and narrow the pool of eligible settler voters. Only those with New Caledonian citizenship who had resided in the archipelago between 1988 and 1998, or were the direct descendants of those residents, would be eligible to vote. The process through which the Kanak obtained voting rights was contingent on containing their demographic threat. Whereas an ordinance was issued in 1945 extending voting rights to certain categories of Melanesians - veterans, customary chiefs, ministers of religion and teaching monitors - it was only in May 1951 that this right was more broadly expanded. Finally, on 26 July 1957, all Melanesians were granted the right to vote. It was no coincidence that universal suffrage was extended to the Kanak only after they had lost their demographic majority due to the growing number of white settlers - a shift that ultimately undermined their struggle for independence. This is evident in France's latest "compromise", which includes establishing a "New Caledonian" but not a Kanak "nationality", and laying the groundwork for future voter manipulation - easily facilitated through increased white French settlement as a long-term strategy. Majority by massacre Israel is the third settler-colonial state where the demographic threat posed by the native population to the colonists has culminated in genocide. The leadership of the Zionist Organization collaborated with the British government to ensure that, under the British Mandate - and in violation of League of Nations regulations - the Palestinian population would not be granted a parliament or a vote for any form of local government. The Zionists feared that, as Palestinians constituted the vast majority of the population, any political rights afforded to them would obstruct the settler-colonial project that sought to dislodge them from Palestine. It is the combination of mass killings and ethnic cleansing that established Jewish demographic superiority in Israel between 1948 and 1967 To pre-empt this possibility, the Zionists implemented a programme of expulsion that began on 30 November 1947 and continued throughout the 1948 war and beyond. On the eve of the war, Palestine had a Jewish colonial population of 608,000 (about 30 percent), most of whom had arrived in the country over the preceding two decades, and a Palestinian population of 1,364,000. During the conquest of 1948, the Zionists killed upwards of 13,000 Palestinians - around one percent of the population - and expelled approximately 760,000 people, or more than 80 percent of those living in the territory that the Zionists would declare a Jewish state. It is the combination of mass killings and ethnic cleansing that established Jewish demographic superiority in Israel between 1948 and 1967. By November 1948, only about 165,000 Palestinians remained in Israel, while the Jewish population had risen to 716,000, increasing their share from 30 to 81 percent almost overnight. In the lead-up to Israel's 1967 conquest of three Arab territories, the state's population had reached 2.7 million, of whom 2.4 million were Jewish colonists and their descendants, maintaining their demographic dominance at 89 percent. Demographic death drive Since its conquest of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, when it expelled around 350,000 Palestinians, Israel has failed to resolve its demographic problem, which continues to threaten Jewish supremacy. After the expulsion, in September 1967, the Israeli census recorded the population of the West Bank as 661,700 and of Gaza as 354,700. The population of East Jerusalem stood at 68,600 Palestinians. This meant that the total Palestinian population in Israel and the occupied territories was 1,385,000, reducing the Jewish share from 89 percent to 56 percent. Israel's genocide in Gaza is a war on demographics Read More » The decline in the Jewish share continued until 1990, fuelling growing anxiety among Israelis. Despite the immigration of one million Jews - or claimants to Jewishness - from the USSR between 1990 and 2000, this influx was no match for the steady rise of the Palestinian population. By 2000, the population of Israel had reached 6.4 million, including 5 million Jews and nearly 1.2 million Palestinians. The West Bank's population reached 2.012 million and Gaza's 1.138 million, reducing the Jewish proportion to no more than 52 percent. In 2010, Israel's population had reached 7.6 million, including 5.75 million Jews and 1.55 million Palestinians, while the West Bank's population was 2.48 million and Gaza's numbered 1.54 million. This rendered the Jewish population a minority of no more than 49 percent for the first time since the massive ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948. By 2020, Israel's population had grown to 9.2 million, including 6.8 million Jews and 1.9 million Palestinians, while the West Bank's population grew to 3.05 million and Gaza's 2.047 million. This further reduced the proportion of Jewish colonists and their descendants to just 47 percent of the total population. This is the demographic background that made genocide the only option left for Israel and its US and European sponsors. The failure of the current talks to halt the genocide is rooted in the so-called US and Israeli "compromise", wherein Israel's terms are that it would stop the genocide, expel the surviving Palestinians, and take over Gaza for further Jewish colonisation, in exchange for the complete surrender of the Palestinian resistance and its self-annihilation. Genocidal undoing While the French attempt yet another ruse to counter the demographic threat through their recent agreement on the future of New Caledonia, and the British remain apprehensive about the unresolved situation in Northern Ireland despite the Good Friday ruse, it is Israel's Jewish minority status that drives the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the plans to expel its surviving Palestinian population outside the Strip. Among the three settler-colonies fighting to uphold their white supremacist settler privileges, the Israelis are the only ones committing genocide. War on Gaza: Why Israel's savagery is a sign of its impending defeat Joseph Massad Read More » Precedents to such exterminatory violence include Germany's genocides in Namibia and Tanganyika in the early 20th century, carried out to secure German colonial settler supremacy. They also include the German Nazi mass murder of millions of Polish Catholics and Jews, and the displacement of millions more for the purpose of German settler colonisation - not to mention the murder of 26 million Soviets whom Hitler likened to "Redskins" and whose annihilation he sought so that Germans could settle their territory. France's postwar genocide in Algeria was similarly aimed at maintaining white settler dominance in the face of native resistance. Israel's genocide is the latest chapter in this bloody history. The Germans and French were ultimately dislodged, with most of their settlers repatriated. The Israelis and their sponsors, in contrast, believe that their current genocide augurs well for the survivability of the racist settler colony. Palestinian resistance is determined to prevent that outcome. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.