logo
Overlooked No More: Joyce Brown, Whose Struggle Redefined the Rights of the Homeless

Overlooked No More: Joyce Brown, Whose Struggle Redefined the Rights of the Homeless

New York Times01-05-2025

This article is part of Overlooked, a series of obituaries about remarkable people whose deaths, beginning in 1851, went unreported in The Times.
Joyce Brown's New York minute lasted longer than most. A onetime secretary, Brown became homeless in 1986 and began camping on a heating grate on Second Avenue and 65th Street in Manhattan.
A year or so passed before she was picked up by city officials, involuntarily committed to a psychiatric hospital — where she was declared mentally ill — and forcibly given medication. Brown, who was better known as Billie Boggs, was the first homeless person to become the focus of Mayor Edward I. Koch's newly expanded initiative to address the increasing visibility of homelessness and untreated mental illness on the streets.
But, as she would later say in interviews, the city chose 'the wrong one.' Unlike the dozen or so other people who would face similar fates, she said she knew her rights, and she would begin exercising them the very next day.
What followed was a landmark lawsuit centered on mental health, civil liberties and the involuntary psychiatric treatment of homeless people. 'I'm not insane,' Brown would say. 'Just homeless.'
Before long, Brown was lofted from the pavement to prominence, with a whirlwind of interviews on talk and news programs.
By the time Brown died of a heart attack on Nov. 29, 2005, at 58, she had long been forgotten.
But the repercussions of her transitory fame still echo on the city's sidewalks and subways, as Gov. Kathy Hochul and Mayor Eric Adams have introduced their own initiatives to address homelessness in New York, including involuntarily hospitalizing people in psychiatric crisis.
Joyce Patricia Brown was born on Sept. 7, 1947, in Elizabeth, N.J., the youngest of six children, most of whom had been born in South Carolina and Florida.
Her father, William Brown, told census enumerators in 1950 that he was unemployed. Her mother, Mae Blossom Brown, worked in a factory assembling luggage.
Some time after graduating from high school, Joyce Brown worked as a secretary for the Elizabeth Human Rights Commission, where she may have learned a thing or two about her own constitutional privileges. She also worked as a clerk for Elizabeth's mayor at the time, Thomas G. Dunn, and for Thomas & Betts, an electrical equipment manufacturer, according to a death notice from Nesbitt Funeral Home in Elizabeth.
By 18, though, she was addicted to cocaine and heroin and was stealing money from her mother. Her mother died in 1979, which, her relatives said, might have sparked a further downward spiral emotionally.
By 1985, she had lost her job. She took turns living with her sisters in New Jersey and was treated briefly in clinics and hospitals. Her sisters' efforts to help her resulted in arguments, and in 1986 she moved to Manhattan, where she made her home on the sidewalk near a Swensen's ice cream parlor on the Upper East Side, urinating and defecating outdoors nearby.
She adopted the name Billie Boggs, a twisted homage to Bill Boggs, a television host on WNEW (now WNYW), with whom she had become enraptured.
To some neighbors and regular passers-by, she became a New York fixture, the kind you don't find in the guidebooks; they would converse with her about the news. To others, she was a menace — cursing and shouting racial epithets, particularly at Black men, and even punching people.
Her sisters sought to have her hospitalized. But doctors said she did not present a danger to herself and released her.
On Oct. 12, 1987, after she had been monitored for months under a Koch administration strategy known as Project HELP (the initials stood for Homeless Emergency Liaison Project) — intended to remove severely mentally ill homeless people from Manhattan's streets and forcibly provide them with medical and psychiatric care — she was taken to the emergency room at Bellevue Hospital, where she was admitted and injected with a tranquilizer and an anti-psychotic drug.
The next day, according to a 1988 article in New York magazine, she called the New York Civil Liberties Union from a pay phone at the hospital. Norman Siegel, the organization's executive director, was one of the lawyers assigned to her case. In court, a Bellevue psychiatrist presented a diagnosis of 'chronic paranoid schizophrenia.'
That night, one of her sisters recognized her from a courtroom sketch on the TV news.
That image was in stark juxtaposition to a photograph produced by her family, which showed a smiling Brown, wearing a red dress and gold earrings as she was being hugged by a man in a tuxedo with a pink bow tie, her sisters smiling into the camera nearby.
'This used to be my sister,' one of the sisters told Newsday. 'This used to be us.'
A State Supreme Court judge ruled that Brown was 'not unable to care for her essential needs' and ordered that she be released, but she remained at Bellevue while the city appealed the decision. The city won the appeal, but after a subsequent appeal by Brown's lawyers, a judge's ruled that she could not be forcibly medicated. That appeal was dropped when Bellevue released Brown, saying there was no point in her staying if she could not receive the hospital's care. She had spent a total of 84 days there.
She soon evolved into a media star, a symbol of justice who, her lawyers said, presented herself in her lucid and articulate interviews a more or less rational example of urban bivouacking who was, she said, 'under surveillance' for months 'like I was a criminal.'
'In a civilized society you don't just go around picking up people against their will and bringing them to the hospital when they're sane just because of a mayor's program,' she told Morley Safer for a 1988 segment of the CBS News program '60 Minutes.' 'All of this is political. I am a political prisoner because of Mayor Koch.'
In the same segment, Mayor Koch insisted that defecating on the street was 'bizarre' and said that Brown's ability to speak articulately on camera demonstrated the efficacy of her hospitalization and the medication she had been given.
That year Brown also appeared on 'The Phil Donahue Show,' after being outfitted from Bloomingdale's, and delivered a lecture to a Harvard Law School forum in which she offered 'a street view' of homelessness. Book and film offers flooded the offices of the New York Civil Liberties Union. The Associated Press called her 'the most famous homeless person in America.' At his Moscow Summit with Mikhail S. Gorbachev, the Soviet leader, in 1988, President Ronald Reagan invoked her case as an example of freedom in contrast to Moscow's policy of detaining political dissidents by claiming they were mentally ill.
'Rather than talking about me, why doesn't the president assist me in getting permanent housing?' Brown was quoted as saying.
In the wake of Brown's case, Project HELP faced public scrutiny and criticism. The program's momentum stalled, and it was eventually discontinued. Brown's lawsuit continues to serve as a precedent in debates over mental health, homelessness and civil liberties.
After Brown was released, she worked briefly as a secretary for the civil liberties union. But she quit because, she said, she didn't like the job.
'The spunkiness that I had always admired dissipated,' Siegel said of her in an interview.
She put on weight; her gait slowed; she might have been medicated again for a while. Around 1991, she moved into a supervised group home for formerly homeless women, but she also returned to the streets to panhandle, saying that her sisters had delayed forwarding her more than $8,000 in Social Security checks. She continued to live on $500 a month in disability pay and avoided the press.
When Brown was initially released from Bellevue, it was against the recommendation of two dissenting State Supreme Court justices. 'We may be approaching the time,' they wrote, 'when the problem of the homeless will be confronted with sincere and realistic attitudes and resources.'
'Now,' Siegel said, '35 years later, the hopes of the dissenting justices have unfortunately still not materialized.'

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Indicted Charlotte councilwoman Tiawana Brown picks up 2 challengers in election
Indicted Charlotte councilwoman Tiawana Brown picks up 2 challengers in election

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

Indicted Charlotte councilwoman Tiawana Brown picks up 2 challengers in election

Tiawana Brown, a Charlotte City Council member indicted on wire fraud charges, will face at least two challengers with political experience if she runs for reelection this year. The first-term Democrat was indicted alongside her two adult daughters in May on charges of wire fraud conspiracy and wire fraud. They're accused by Charlotte's U.S. attorney of filing false applications for federal pandemic relief loans and spending loan money on personal expenses, including a lavish birthday party for Brown. The crimes allegedly occurred before Brown joined the council. All three pleaded not guilty in their first court appearance. Brown, who represents west Charlotte's District 3, has pledged to stay in office and run for reelection. She's eligible to run 'until convicted of a felony,' Mecklenburg County Board of Elections spokeswoman Kristin Mavromatis previously told The Charlotte Observer. An indictment is not proof of guilt, and Brown has not yet received a trial. But weeks before candidate filing officially opens, a pair of notable candidates have already declared their intentions to run: former Elizabeth City Councilman Montravias King and community activist Joi Mayo. Charlotte's primaries are scheduled for Sept. 9. In the heavily Democratic District 3, the winner of that primary will carry a significant advantage into November's general election. Mayo confirmed to the Observer she will run in the Democratic primary for District 3. She's also launched a campaign website and social media. While it will be her first time campaigning for public office, she's been an active organizer in southwest Charlotte for years. A Virginia native, Mayo moved to Charlotte in 2012 for a Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools teaching job after earning degrees from Elon University and the College of Charleston. She became a homeowners association president in the Nations Ford area and was elected president of the Southwest Area Neighborhood Coalition in 2019. Mayo left teaching in 2022 to work full-time for nonprofits. She founded Transforming Nations Ford in 2024 to work on neighborhood beautification and historic preservation. The group also advocates for responsible growth and investments in parks and recreation, transit and public safety. Her platform includes supporting public safety initiatives such as SAFE Charlotte and Alternatives to Violence; increasing permanent affordable housing; and funding workforce development. Despite the high-profile nature of Brown's indictment, Mayo said the news was 'not necessarily' the driving force behind her decision to run for the District 3 seat. She was mainly spurred, she said, by a desire to increase community engagement within city government. 'I'm just excited to get out there,' she told the Observer. King's statement announcing his campaign for the district also didn't directly reference Brown's indictment. The announcement said he 'enters the race with a deep commitment to smart growth, public safety and government transparency in one of the city's fastest-growing districts.' King is best known for his 2013 for the Elizabeth City City Council while a student at Elizabeth City State University. He made national news when his eligibility for the race was challenged due to his on-campus address. King ultimately was ruled eligible and won a council seat. He currently works as a nonprofit executive and renewable energy consultant, and he previously worked as a teacher and legislative assistant for Democrats in the North Carolina legislature. On his campaign website, King lists a platform focused on equitable growth, public safety, sustainability and transparent government. 'District 3 is changing fast. We need to make sure that development doesn't outpace infrastructure, that public safety keeps up with growth, and that residents have a voice in the decisions shaping their neighborhoods,' he said in his campaign announcement. The official candidate filing window for the 2025 municipal elections runs from July 7 to July 18. Brown won an open three-person Democratic primary in 2023 before defeating Republican James Harrison Bowers by a margin of 78.6% to 21.2% in the general election to secure her first term.

Clergy join protesters to keep the peace after weekend's destruction
Clergy join protesters to keep the peace after weekend's destruction

Yahoo

time5 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Clergy join protesters to keep the peace after weekend's destruction

Priests, rabbis and other religious leaders took to the streets of Los Angeles on Monday to help keep the peace amid protests that spiraled into violence over the weekend. The protests against President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown intensified with the deployment of National Guard members, something local and state officials said has worsened, not improved, the situation. Additionally, hundreds of U.S. Marines are reportedly on the way to L.A. Waymo cars were torched, businesses were ransacked and numerous injuries were reported over the weekend's chaos. On Monday, however, protests were much more peaceful, and religious leaders — some of them partnered with the organization Clergy and Laity United for Economic Justice — made a point to discourage violence by both police and protesters at the intersection of Alameda and Aliso streets in downtown Los Angeles. 'We're here to peacefully ask where the families are,' the Rev. Omega Burckhardt told KTLA's Kimberly Cheng. '¿Donde están los niños? Where are the people who've been detained? We're also here peacefully to support the right to protest, and we're here to help keep a peaceful presence for folks. We understand people are very angry and very upset, and we're here to provide a non-anxious presence.' Another religious leader directly spoke with police following what appeared to be one person's frustrations with officers. 'I was saying, 'Nobody needs to get shot today, nobody needs to get harmed today,'' the Rev. Eddie Anderson told Cheng. 'We can stand here and do our First Amendment right and nonviolently protest them ripping apart our families and taking away our loved ones. This is Black-brown solidarity and all religious faiths coming together. This is our Los Angeles and everyone deserves to be free in this city.' Police and Anderson appeared to come to a common understanding, as an officer thanked the minister for his assistance in keeping that agitated crowd member from trying to break through officers, while the minister thanked police for protecting protesters as part of their duties. 'We're not going to shoot anyone,' the officer affirmed. Anderson's colleagues added that their religious beliefs require them to stand up for immigrants and others targeted by the Trump administration. Rabbi Susan Goldberg said she was defending 'the deepest values of the Jewish community,' including 'compassion,' 'love' and 'care and support for the most vulnerable.' 'It's the most-repeated command inside our Torah to take care of the widow, the orphan and the stranger, and to treat them as family and to take care of them,' she said. Another clergy member, the Rev. Stephen 'Cue' Jn-Marie, continued to make a faith-based case for the protest, calling it 'a moral obligation' to stand against the immoral crackdown. 'In Scripture and in my faith tradition, it says the two greatest commandments are to love the Lord your God with all your heart and to love your neighbor as yourself,' he said. 'They can't be separated; you have to do them together … In order to love God, I have to love you first, because you're created in the image of God in my faith tradition.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

A Brown Student Went Full DOGE Over How His $93,000 Tuition Is Spent. The Fallout Was Predictable—and Wrong.
A Brown Student Went Full DOGE Over How His $93,000 Tuition Is Spent. The Fallout Was Predictable—and Wrong.

Yahoo

time5 hours ago

  • Yahoo

A Brown Student Went Full DOGE Over How His $93,000 Tuition Is Spent. The Fallout Was Predictable—and Wrong.

Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily. Brown University sophomore Alex Shieh had a good idea. Inspired by Elon Musk's efforts to reduce supposed staffing inefficiencies in the federal government, Shieh wondered if there were a way to quantify and combat an analogous trend at his university. So with the help of A.I. and a number of publicly available databases, he compiled a list of the university's nearly 4,000 non-faculty employees, grouped them by category, and mocked up working job descriptions for each. Then he wrote emails to all of them, asking them to describe their value to the university. Shieh hoped the project would be the basis for a reporting project that would anchor the first few issues of the Brown Spectator, a defunct conservative student newspaper he and two classmates hoped to relaunch. Shieh's project had the erstwhile DOGE chief's fingerprints all over it, but there's one big difference between the two men: Musk will be able to start drawing on Social Security (if, of course, it's still solvent) in under a decade, while Shieh can't yet legally drink. Shieh's idea, even if it did have roots in our raging national culture wars, was quite ambitious, strong work for a young man with less than half of a degree under his belt. The authorities at Brown, however, didn't see it that way. Upon getting wind of the provocative email blast, they launched a conduct-code investigation and accused Shieh and his partners of trademark violations. And although all charges were eventually dropped, the university's intent was clear: They came to bury Shieh, not to praise him. They couldn't have been more wrong to do so. And it's not just Republicans who think so. I've been teaching sophomores for over a decade and a half, and while Shieh's project is certainly undergraduate work, it's of a particularly high caliber. It is timely, relevant, and enterprising, and it asks a pressing research question. Brown shouldn't have met him with disciplinary threats. Instead, the university should have offered him the best resources an elite institution can provide: academic mentorship and access to top-flight faculty research. If I'd had the opportunity to work with Mr. Shieh, I would have begun by praising him for identifying and focusing on a pressing problem for American higher education in a time of rising tuition costs: administrative bloat. According to a report by the Progressive Policy Institute's Paul Weinstein Jr., non-faculty hiring has exploded over the past 50 years, and today, at the nation's top 50 universities, there is on average 1 non-faculty employee for every 4 students. This trend is particularly acute at Brown, where the ratio nears 1 to 3. But then I would challenge this student to reconsider his methodology—and to research whether Musk's approach is advisable. I would remind him that Musk's efforts to trim the fat at Twitter probably contributed to a giant drop in that company's valuation. And I would add that some experts believe that DOGE's cuts to the federal workforce may actually end up costing taxpayers money. (I would also admit that either initiative might bear fruit in the longer term.) I would then leverage the interdisciplinary connections available at a large research institution, sending Shieh to colleagues in the business school to learn about other approaches to considering and enacting substantial layoffs. If Shieh and his partners persisted, I would have sent them to professors in sociology and communications to figure out best practices for designing a survey that didn't inspire one recipient to respond, 'Fuck off.' (His email, which only garnered 20 responses, allegedly included the too-pert question 'What do you do all day?') If he wanted, in good faith, to get results, he should have recognized that he was operating inside a highly polarized, charged environment, sending a survey to adults who pay their bills with these jobs, and modulated his approach accordingly—something the university's many experts in rhetoric could have helped him see. As a onetime writing instructor, I would also advise him that it is misleading to refer to that profane recipient as an 'administrator [at] Brown' in Congressional testimony, when he is really a relatively low-level functionary in the events planning office. And by the way, I would have done all these things not because I agree with Shieh. Indeed, I don't think I do. Rather, I would have supported him because he had a serious academic question and the drive to think it through as part of an ambitious, time-intensive project. The fact that Brown University responded so aggressively only lends ammunition to those on the right who believe—often correctly—that American academia is hostile to conservative viewpoints. (This despite the fact that, as Shieh himself said, 'It's not inherently conservative to want to make education more affordable.') Now, perhaps Brown would have done some of these things had they been given ample notice of Shieh's plans, or if Shieh had registered the Spectator with the university in advance. As it was, it seems they were blindsided, and ended up reacting, rather than acting. So now, instead of boasting about high-profile conservative-leaning student research, they're trying to put out a political firestorm and opening themselves to attack at a moment when Elon Musk's old boss is gunning for the Ivy Leagues.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store