Lawmakers should not give Oklahoma's private school subsidy program a blank check
Oklahoma lawmakers have invested hundreds of millions of dollars into creating a private school voucher program. But instead of calling the program what it really is, our legislators have attempted to obfuscate what they're doing when helping subsidize the private school education of wealthy families.
While other states call a spade a spade, our lawmakers have decided to call their voucher-like initiative a Parental Choice 'Tax Credit' program.
In reality, our state is following the path of states like Ohio, which spent almost $1 billion dollars in 2024, implementing subsidies for private, mostly religious, schools under the guise of expanded school choice. The Ohio voucher program has produced declines in student learning that would have once been seen as unthinkable.
Oklahoma is now in danger of expanding the two most destructive parts of school choice through an effort to create the first publicly funded religious charter school in the country, and by attempting to remove the spending cap on our voucher-like program.
The fight to open St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School now faces the scrutiny of the U.S. Supreme Court. As The New York Times reports, 'The widely watched case out of Oklahoma could transform the line between church and state in education.'
In addition to defending the barriers between church and state, we should also ask what the effect would be on student learning when the state subsidizes instruction of math and other subjects in ways that are intertwined with religious teachings.
But equally alarming is state Sen. Julie Daniels' push through Senate Bill 229 to remove the Parental Choice Tax Credit program's spending caps, further rewarding the wealthy.
When private school tax credits were authorized in 2023, a $150 million cap was established for the first year. The cap was raised to $200 million in the second year and $250 million in the third year. As Oklahoma Watch's Ruby Topalian explained, private schools increased tuition, which reduced the benefits for low-income families.
If we were to remove the spending cap, that would not be good news for the state's already lagging educational outcomes.
Research has shown that vouchers, even those called tax credits, are even more chaotic when they follow national patterns. They encourage the creation of failing private schools. In other states, many more low-income students have been initially admitted and then pushed out of private schools, creating confusion for their families and increasing budget problems for public schools.
Josh Cowen's The Privateers: How Billionaires Created a Culture War and Sold School Vouchers writes about how this funding has caused extreme disruption for public schools and first-time voucher and tax credit users who are not retained in private schools.
Cowen writes that the think tanks who helped launch the 1950s origins of the pro-voucher movement weren't particularly concerned about school improvement. They used the movement as a weapon against school integration and to attempt to weaken labor unions. And today's voucher sponsors use them to push an anti-Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion agenda.
Cowen acknowledged that 'a few tiny studies from the late 1990s and early 2000's showed small gains in test scores for voucher users, [but] since 2013 the record has been dismal.
Over the last decade, the learning loss for the kids who used vouchers to leave public schools had test score drops in some states that were comparable to the academic losses suffered by New Orleans kids after Hurricane Katrina. In other states, those students' academic declines were about as large as what COVID-19 did to student learning. In Louisiana and Ohio, harmful voucher effects were almost twice as bad as the pandemic's academic impact.
His research showed that vouchers mostly pay for the education of children already enrolled in private schools, and suck money from public schools.
And, as Cowen documents, in Wisconsin, for instance, 40% of private schools have opened and closed since their voucher program grew. And, 'about 20 percent of kids left their voucher school every year and most went into a public school.'
This indicates that new, smaller voucher and tax credit programs may not, at first, cause dramatic harm. But once they are scaled up, students who attend private schools for the first time suffer huge learning losses, and cause disruption in the public schools they left and were then pushed back into.
Given the track record in other states, the last thing our state needs to do is lift the spending cap and give the program a blank check.
We should be prioritizing shifting resources from subsidizing the affluent to funding public schools that serve every student who walks through the door regardless of socio-economic status.
SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

an hour ago
Texas can't require Ten Commandments in every public school classroom, judge says
Texas cannot require public schools to display the Ten Commandments in every classroom, a judge said Wednesday in a temporary ruling against the state's new requirement, making it the third such state law to be blocked by a court. A group of Dallas-area families and faith leaders sought a preliminary injunction against the law, which goes into effect on Sept. 1. They say the requirement violates the First Amendment's protections for the separation of church and state and the right to free religious exercise. Texas is the largest state to attempt such a requirement, and U.S. District Judge Fred Biery's ruling from San Antonio is the latest in a widening legal fight that's expected to eventually go before the U.S. Supreme Court. 'Even though the Ten Commandments would not be affirmatively taught, the captive audience of students likely would have questions, which teachers would feel compelled to answer. That is what they do," Biery wrote in the 55-page ruling that began with quoting the First Amendment and ended with "Amen." The lawsuit names the Texas Education Agency, state education Commissioner Mike Morath and three Dallas-area school districts as defendants. A federal appeals court has blocked a similar law in Louisiana, and a judge in Arkansas told four districts they cannot put up the posters, although other districts in the state said they're not putting them up either. Although Friday's ruling marked a major win for civil liberties groups who say the law violates the separation of church and state, the legal battle is likely far from over. Religious groups and conservatives say the Ten Commandments are part of the foundation of the United States' judicial and educational systems and should be displayed. Texas has a Ten Commandments monument on the Capitol grounds and won a 2005 Supreme Court case that upheld the monument. In Louisiana — the first state that mandated the Ten Commandments be displayed in classrooms — a panel of three appellate judges in June ruled that the law was unconstitutional.


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
Texas school districts can't put the Ten Commandments in every classroom, judge says
Texas is the largest state to attempt such a requirement, and U.S. District Judge Fred Biery's ruling from San Antonio is the latest in a widening legal fight that's expected to eventually go before the U.S. Supreme Court. 'Even though the Ten Commandments would not be affirmatively taught, the captive audience of students likely would have questions, which teachers would feel compelled to answer. That is what they do,' Biery wrote in the 55-page ruling that began with quoting the First Amendment and ended with 'Amen.' Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up The ruling prohibits the 11 districts and their affiliates from posting the displays required under the state law. The law is being challenged by a group of Christian, Jewish, Hindu, Unitarian Universalist, and nonreligious families, including clergy, who have children in the public schools. Advertisement The families were represented by the American Civil Liberties Union, Americans United for the Separation of Church and State and the Freedom from Religion Foundation. 'Today's ruling is a major win that protects the constitutional right to religious freedom for Texas families of all backgrounds,' Tommy Buser-Clancy, senior staff attorney at the ACLU of Texas, said in a statement. 'The court affirmed what we have long said: Public schools are for educating, not evangelizing.' Advertisement A broader lawsuit that names three Dallas-area districts as well as the state education agency and commissioner is pending in federal court. A federal appeals court has blocked a similar law in Louisiana, and a judge in Arkansas told four districts they cannot put up the posters, although other districts in the state said they're not putting them up either. Although Friday's ruling marked a major win for civil liberties groups who say the law violates the separation of church and state, the legal battle is likely far from over. Religious groups and conservatives say the Ten Commandments are part of the foundation of the United States' judicial and educational systems and should be displayed. Texas has a Ten Commandments monument on the Capitol grounds and won a 2005 Supreme Court case that upheld the monument. In Louisiana — the first state that mandated the Ten Commandments be displayed in classrooms — a panel of three appellate judges in June ruled that the law was unconstitutional.

an hour ago
US Attorney Pirro tells prosecutors no felony charges for carrying registered rifles, shotguns in DC
The U.S. Attorney for Washington, D.C., Jeanine Pirro, has instructed prosecutors in her office to not seek felony charges for individuals who carry registered rifles and shotguns in the district, sources familiar with the matter confirmed to ABC News. The policy shift, according to the sources, followed concerns relayed by the Justice Department's solicitor general, John Sauer, that the district's restrictive firearm statutes infringe on the Second Amendment rights of residents as affirmed in several recent rulings by the U.S. Supreme Court. "We will continue to seize all illegal and unlicensed firearms, and to vigorously prosecute all crimes connected with them," Pirro said in a statement to ABC News. "And we will continue to charge a felon in possession of any of these firearms. Our resolve to prosecute crime is not lessened by defective DC code statutes, as the DOJ works to change those statutes." Pirro added in her statement, "If anyone is carrying a weapon illegally, they will absolutely be charged." The policy shift, which was first reported by the Washington Post, comes as the administration has publicly touted numbers of illegal firearms seized in its ongoing surge of federal resources intended to combat D.C. crime. Prosecutions for those types of offenses, according to Pirro's statement, would continue; the shift is instead related to a D.C. statute that bars people from carrying shotguns or rifles in the capital without permits, which Pirro's office says violates the Supreme Court's holdings in two recent Second Amendment cases in 2008 and 2022. "Nothing in this memo from the Department of Justice and the Office of Solicitor General precludes the United States Attorney's Office from charging a felon with the possession of a firearm, which includes a rifle, shotgun, and attendant large capacity magazine pursuant to DC Code 22-4503," Pirro said in her statement to the Post. "What it does preclude is a separate charge of possession of a registered rifle or shotgun."