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Britain's building a £1bn ‘army of hackers' – but they have already been outpaced by Russia

Britain's building a £1bn ‘army of hackers' – but they have already been outpaced by Russia

Yahoo4 days ago

'The keyboard has become a weapon of war,' Defence Secretary John Healey announced at MoD Corsham, the UK's military cyber HQ, on Wednesday. Britain's digital defences are facing daily attacks from hostile states, he warned, and the time has come to fight back with a £1 billion injection to fund new artificial intelligence capabilities and an army of hackers.
Yet while the money is certainly a welcome boost, the language used has raised a few eyebrows. It's 'talking about cyber operations as if they're new,' scoffed Matthew Savill, director of military science at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) on the BBC's Today programme on Wednesday. 'It's been 15 years since Stuxnet.'
Savill, who it's fair to say has the inside scoop after several years as a senior civil servant in the Ministry of Defence (MoD), was referring to the highly sophisticated computer virus discovered in 2010 that had been used to sabotage Iran's nuclear facilities, widely attributed to a joint operation between the US and Israel.
It was a watershed moment in cyber warfare – proving how nation states could now cause vast damage from behind a computer screen, without a shot being fired. Not only that, but it also revealed – to the concern of many – the impressive cyber operations several countries now had in their locker.
Indeed, the US had made dominance in cyber a strategic goal as far back as the mid-1990s. China and Russia had quickly followed in the early 2000s, with Moscow investing heavily in technology to boost its intelligence units and Beijing openly integrating 'information warfare' into its military strategy.
Britain, however, was slower off the mark. Despite first being hit by state-sponsored cyber espionage in 2003, when malware designed to steal sensitive data was found on a government employee's device, it wasn't until 2010 that the National Security Strategy officially ranked cyber attacks as a 'Tier 1' threat – on par with terrorism. Some 15 years on, as Savill told the BBC's Jonny Dymond, defence chiefs appear yet again to be 'catching up'.
The danger this lack of action and investment has put the UK in was laid bare earlier this month in a report by the House of Commons' Public Accounts Committee (PAC). Crumbling Government computer systems have been outpaced by cyber criminals, MPs warned, with more than a quarter of all public sector IT systems using vulnerable, older 'legacy' technology.
Britain's critical infrastructure has already felt the impact of these weaknesses – from the devastating WannaCry ransomware attack on the NHS in 2017 to the recent hits experienced by retailers such as Marks & Spencer, the Co-op and Harrods. Each attack only reaffirms the need to improve resilience.
Indeed, the UK Government is in no doubt of the need for – and effectiveness of – a world-leading cyber operation. Just keeping at bay the 90,000 cyber attacks the country has faced from hostile states in the past two years is difficult enough (double the previous number in the same time period up to 2023), less actually going on the offensive.
'One of the reasons you might be seeing a pivot to spending more money on cyber in our armed forces, rather than bombs and bullets, is because it can level the playing field,' says Prof Alan Woodward, cybersecurity expert from the University of Surrey. 'It acts as a force multiplier.
'Smaller countries can get a bigger bang for their buck – there's no longer as much need for an overwhelming physical superiority over the enemy, you can instead just turn off their lights and gas. We are a much smaller military nation than we once were – the armed forces can't even fill Wembley Stadium. So cyber is a way of punching above our weight.
'If you spend the money wisely and you can develop the capability, then there is the possibility you can be ready for some of the threats in what is an increasingly volatile world. It's what allowed Ukraine to make a damn good fist of fighting what on paper should be an overwhelming physical force from Russia.'
The UK's armed forces and intelligence agencies do in fact possess significant cyber expertise – Britain's GCHQ being the jewel in its crown, helped by its close allegiance with its counterpart in the US, the National Security Agency.
Its offensive cyber unit once conducted a hugely successful cyber campaign against Islamic State in 2017 that made it 'almost impossible' for the terror group to 'spread their hate online, to use their normal channels to spread their rhetoric, or trust their publications,' according to Jeremy Fleming, then-head of GCHQ.
A major problem, however, lies in its size. The scale of its cyber teams is modest – numbering in the low thousands – and often relying on contractors or partner support for advanced operations. In contrast, adversaries like China or Russia deploy vast numbers of keyboard warriors. This was spelt out in the recent PAC report, which warned of a shortage of cyber skills experts, particularly in the public sector.
Woodward points to two main reasons behind this: firstly, the lack of students opting to study engineering, and secondly, the poor pay on offer for those who opt for the civil service. In China, between 30 to 40 per cent of graduates have a STEM (science, technology, engineering or mathematics) qualification – compared to around 5 per cent 'if you're lucky' in the UK, he says. 'They're hard, complicated subjects and people don't want to do them, even though if you do computer science your chances of getting a job are practically guaranteed, and you'll be earning one of the highest salaries.'
Yet the big-money jobs are generally only available in the private sector – where the pay on offer can often be nearly twice as much as their public sector counterparts. 'How do you compete against banks and people like that paying large salaries?' says Woodward. In contrast, other nation states like China are going 'hell for leather' in attracting the best talent to the military and government agencies.
Industry insiders have certainly noted the skills shortage. 'Police, security services and government departments need to recruit and accelerate cyber skills and capabilities to stay one step ahead of the bad actors,' says Ed Dolman, head of Europe, Middle East, and Africa at digital forensics firm Cellebrite, which provides the MoD and other government agencies with the technology to carry out cyber investigations. 'Britain cannot afford to play catch up any more and sleepwalk into this increasingly dangerous world.
'Growing volumes of increasingly sophisticated cyber-attacks perpetuated by rogue states and organised criminal groups mean that ramping up the UK's security capabilities should be at the very top of the Government agenda.'
The Government has at least been looking to bolster its defences with cyber personnel. In 2020, the Government established a specialist unit called the National Cyber Force to carry out the UK's offensive cyber activity to protect the UK. Its aim is to reach 3,000 cyber experts by the end of the decade. To give a sense of scale of the fight Britain is up against however, estimates for China's own 'hacker army' range between 50,000 to 100,000.
The latest £1 billion injection to the UK's cyber defences will fund a new Cyber and Electromagnetic Command, which will upgrade targeting systems using an artificial intelligence 'kill web' that connects military systems. Experts suggest it hints that the UK may start to go on the offensive with its cyber operations, similar to its allies and enemies.
'The UK has been very cagey about talking about its offensive cyber capability,' Savill told the BBC. 'It's only a very slight cracking open of what remains a pretty secretive world. But it sounds like they want to talk a little bit more about their ability to take on hostile states.'
Woodward suggests the UK may in fact have far more capability than has been publicly acknowledged. 'The UK has definitely been building its offensive cyber capabilities,' he says. 'Indeed, just because we haven't yet used it, doesn't mean we don't have the technology. It's a bit like saying: 'I've got a nuclear weapon, you've got a nuclear weapon, but I'm behind because I've never used it.''
Instead, unlike Moscow, the UK has to be far more careful – and often it's better not to show your hand until you need to, he says.
'Moscow has been far more aggressive and brazen about it. They like the disruption. Putin's regime is very happy to play fast and loose with these things and takes a lot more risk than the British government is willing to.
'We would never admit to it [offensive cyber operations], because if we did it would be an act of war.'
For several years, Russia has carried out cyberattacks on Western critical infrastructure through criminal groups – allowing them to deny any involvement. Yet on the battlefield, particularly in Ukraine, they have been far more gung-ho with trying out autonomous AI weapons, such as drones that can recognise targets and fire. In its fight for survival, Ukraine has also tried such technology out.
For the UK however, this presents an 'ethical dilemma'. 'Britain finds it hard enough with driverless cars,' jokes Woodward. Neither can it use criminal groups as a proxy for its dirty work. Yet, he suggests the UK has already carried out extensive digital espionage and may well be ready to unleash its own cyber weapons in the near future.
'If you're going for real disruption, like taking energy grids down, you don't want to play your hand,' he says, suggesting that it may have already started the process. Stuxnet, for example, was only discovered years after it had been lying in place. 'We may have already planted the seeds in various places. But actually triggering them is a different proposition – you don't want to use it until you really have to.'
So while it might seem like we're late to the party, Woodward believes we may in fact be better prepared than some fear. 'It's not a sudden revolution in thinking, it's an evolution,' he says. 'I just think it's accelerated.'
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Explainer How Ukraine's Drone Arsenal Shocked Russia and Changed Modern Warfare
Explainer How Ukraine's Drone Arsenal Shocked Russia and Changed Modern Warfare

Bloomberg

time9 minutes ago

  • Bloomberg

Explainer How Ukraine's Drone Arsenal Shocked Russia and Changed Modern Warfare

Kyiv's flying machines cost as little as $400 and can neutralize sophisticated Russian equipment worth thousands of times more. Outgunned, outmanned and outspent, Ukrainian troops have kept up the fight against invading Russian forces for more than three years. They might easily have been routed were it not for Kyiv's mass deployment of drones. Tens of thousands of the relatively cheap and expendable machines are now buzzing back and forth over the front lines, pinpointing Russian positions, gathering intelligence to anticipate impending assaults, colliding with enemy targets or dropping bombs on them. By early 2025, drones were accounting for 60% to 70% of the damage and destruction caused to Russian equipment in the war, according to UK-based think tank the Royal United Services Institute. Russia's military has developed a rival drone force and drawn upon a traditional strength in electronic warfare to upgrade its anti-drone technology. Yet Ukraine's highly adaptable drones continue to expose gaps and vulnerabilities in Russian defenses. In early June, drones launched from trucks hit airfields as far from the front as Siberia, damaging part of Russia's nuclear-capable long-range bomber fleet, according to Ukrainian officials. Military commanders around the world are taking note. Taiwan is investing in mass-produced drones in anticipation of a possible conflict with China. Israel has recalibrated the Iron Dome air defense system in the war in Gaza to account for maneuverable drones — one of its biggest blind spots. European governments embarking on their largest rearmament since the Cold War have identified drones and counter-drone systems as an investment priority. The US Pentagon, which pioneered sophisticated and expensive drones sourced from big arms contractors, is looking to buy cheaper ones designed by startups and deployed en masse. With President Donald Trump dialing down US military support for Ukraine, convinced that the war is Europe's problem to fix, Russian leader Vladimir Putin seems intent on pushing his advantage. A prevailing assumption among western military officials is that he aims to slowly wear down the Ukrainian army until the country's fighting power and money is eventually depleted. Ukraine's massive drone program may be its best chance to flip the script. Here's a detailed breakdown of the various types of drones used in Ukraine, and how they're changing modern warfare. Close Kill Drones Small, light drones with multiple rotors have become the defining innovation of the war. Known as first-person view drones, they are typically controlled in real time via a video feed by an operator who can 'see' through an onboard camera using electronic goggles so they can fly beyond the line of sight. Social media is full of videos showing the machines closing in on troops, armored personnel carriers, missile batteries and command posts until the moment of impact, when the picture turns to static. Other rotor drones are used to drop grenade-sized explosives on targets and can be reused if they make it back safely. Fixed-wing loitering munitions hover high in the sky until they locate a target, and then dive and blow up on impact. The latest dive-bombers, such as Ukraine's recently unveiled B-1, are designed to stay airborne for several hours and are quieter than earlier models, making them harder to detect. Deep Strike Drones Long-range drones designed as pilotless, fixed-wing airplanes, can fly hundreds of miles to their targets. Ukraine became painfully familiar with them in late 2022, when Russia started sending over swarms of explosive-laden Shahed drones made in Iran, killing civilians and damaging power infrastructure as far as the country's western borders. Moscow's forces have launched more than 20,000 of these UAVs since then. Kyiv has developed its own long-range strike drones and has been responding with attacks on oil refineries and fuel and ammunition depots in Russian regions as far away as Bashkortostan, some 1,500 kilometers (930 miles) from Ukraine. Ukraine has been stepping up its attacks on military and industrial installations deep inside Russia in recent months. Russia said it downed 485 Ukrainian drones during a two-day assault in early May that damaged several arms manufacturing sites and the country's only fiber-optic cable factory. The strikes, which delayed more than 100 flights as airports around Moscow temporarily halted operations, continued through the daytime, whereas previous attacks typically occurred overnight. It demonstrated Ukraine's growing ability to bring the war to residents of the Russian capital who had been largely insulated from it in their daily lives. No injuries were reported. Naval Drones Unmanned speedboats laden with explosives have made it too dangerous for the Russian fleet to come near Ukraine's Black Sea coast, where ships would be able to bombard cities and blockade ports. Recently, Kyiv has started arming them with missiles. In early May, Ukraine's intelligence services said naval drones brought down two enemy fighter jets near the Russian port of Novorossiysk. The drones can be controlled from hundreds of miles away using the US Starlink satellite broadband network. The growing capability of naval drones costing as little as $20,000 challenges the effectiveness of warships that cost hundreds of millions of dollars to build. Reconnaissance Drones Small-rotor aerial surveillance drones help combat units to spy over nearby enemy trenches, while longer-range, fixed-wing drones map the locations of enemy units and equipment, making the staging area behind the front lines more dangerous. Surveillance drones can make aerial attacks more effective by spotting targets and delivering their coordinates for more precise targeting of howitzer artillery and ground- or air-launched missiles. Russia's Forpost spy drone provides laser guidance for glide bombs deployed by manned aircraft flying safely beyond the range of Ukraine's air defenses. For the early part of the war, Ukraine relied on Turkish-made Bayraktar drones to guide artillery firing on Russian armored units. It's now developed its own drones, Leleka and Furia, for the purpose. Russia's Orlan surveillance drones are a regular and menacing presence in the sky over Ukraine as they often foreshadow missile strikes. On the ground, Ukraine has begun deploying remote-controlled robot dogs to locate booby traps and Russian soldiers in places that flying drones can't access — such as inside buildings, along trenches and in dense woodland. Other Uses Rotor-winged drones can be used to haul food, water, medicine and ammunition to troops cut off by the enemy or when it's too dangerous to deliver supplies by road. Drones can be used as flying guides accompanying stranded servicemen out of dangerous territory. They are even used to take prisoners. The buzz of a drone will prompt some soldiers to hide or run. Others may try to shoot it down with a machine gun. Sometimes they signal surrender in the hope that the drone operator notices them and guides them to safety instead of dropping an explosive. How have drones transformed the battlefield? The bulk of FPV drones are easy to assemble in a small workshop from parts bought online. With the cheapest costing about $400, they can immobilize or even destroy a tank or other large piece of machinery worth hundreds of thousands of dollars — sometimes millions. They have allowed Ukraine to achieve some stunning military successes using relatively simple means. This has made Russia's armed forces adjust their tactics. Columns of tanks dispatched toward positions across swathes of open terrain are easy prey for Ukrainian drones. So commanders prioritize speed over armor, sending troops out on motorbikes, electric scooters and golf carts, or sometimes on foot to probe for weak spots in enemy lines. This forces drone operators to confront a multitude of smaller, scattered and fast-moving groups, and preserves the most expensive kit for larger, more coordinated assaults. The downside for Russia is that these mobile teams are more vulnerable when attacked, resulting in heavy casualties. Camouflage has become essential even miles from the front, and armored vehicles now sport jerry-rigged netting to entangle FPV drones that can only carry relatively small explosive charges. With more drones zipping across the landscape, sheltering in trenches has become a preferred option for soldiers when not on the move. The dugouts need to be better camouflaged than those used in earlier wars, and soldiers often forego hot food and avoid gathering in large numbers for fear of being detected by an eye in the sky. This permanent, blanket aerial reconnaissance has made it harder for either side to secure and hold territory, widening the 'gray zone' — the area of battle-scarred no-man's land that snakes for more than 1,000 km across Ukraine's eastern regions — to 25 km from 10 km in 2022. Military experts say it's also a reason why there's been little large-scale movement of the front lines, with Russia making only incremental territorial gains over the past year despite having more troops. Plans for further massive increases in drone deployment make it harder to predict the course of the conflict. Ukraine produced at least 1 million drones last year, and has plans to make 2.5 million in 2025, according to the country's strategic communications center. International sanctions haven't stopped Russia ramping up drone output, with Putin calling for annual production of 1.4 million this year, ten times the number Russia churned out in 2023. Innovations Developments are a constant cat-and-mouse game, with drones evolving on an almost daily basis as the adversaries figure out new ways to deal with each emerging capability. Jamming: It's feasible to knock down large drones such as Shahed using anti-aircraft machine guns, but shooting at tiny, omnipresent FPVs makes little sense. So anti-drone measures on the front line are focused on blocking the radio link between a drone and its operator using devices that emit interference signals. Another tactic is spoofing — using fake GPS signals to trick drones into thinking they're somewhere they're not and steering them off course. To deal with jamming, drone operators have been equipping drones with frequency-hopping chips to ensure connections remains secure. Fiber Optics: Russian forces pioneered the use of fiber-optic connections that can't be jammed. The drone unspools a cable as it flies, staying connected to the pilot. These drones fly closer to the ground than radio-operated UAVs and don't emit any radio waves, ensuring the safety of the drone and its operator. Often they're flown out across the gray zone and brought to land, where they wait until there's an opportunity to ambush enemy troops. One downside of these drones is that they must carry a heavy spooling reel. This makes them slower and less maneuverable, and so more susceptible to being shot down. The spool reduces the weight of explosives the drone can carry, and the cable is fragile. The drone can fly no further than about 10 kilometers, or just half of that when it's windy as the cable can sway and destabilize the drone. One other problem: Many of the cables are abandoned when a drone is incapacitated, leaving the landscape strewn with plastic pollution. More recently, Ukraine has introduced its own fiber-optic drones. Russian forces have responded by creating 'anti-drone corridors' — stretching protective mesh or wiring along roadsides. Artificial Intelligence: The direct link required between a drone and its human operator remains the weapon's main vulnerability. As soon as a connection is jammed or a fiber-optic cable breaks, the drone is lost. Trained drone operators have also become targets themselves. Advances in AI are making more expensive, fixed-wing drones increasingly autonomous. They can use Simultaneous Localization and Mapping — or SLAM — to gather data about their surroundings and then construct a map of their location. That's then compared with a high-resolution image of the territory to help it pinpoint where it is. At the same time, other sensors provide data about acceleration and velocity that can then determine how far it has traveled and estimate its location. These systems often work in conjunction with each other, as well as with satellite positioning, in order to boost accuracy and stop the drone drifting off course. In a world of fully autonomous drones, the machines could travel unguided across the landscape, identify a target and attack it before returning to base. There are no fully-autonomous drones for now, but some carry target-locking technology where AI takes over to guide the drone over the final 100 meters for the kill after its human operator has identified the target. Achieving full drone autonomy would further reshape the battlefield, potentially reducing the need to train thousands of operators. How are they building them? The Kremlin has used its deeper pockets to scale up mass production of a more limited assortment of drone models. The industry is centered on large weapons-making clusters such as Alabuga in Tatarstan, where Shahed replicas are made, and Izhevsk, where it's producing a long-range combat drone called Garpiya. Russia plans to establish 48 research and production facilities across the country by 2030 to boost its drone capabilities. Constrained by more limited resources, Ukraine's defense establishment relies on a patchwork of more than 500 suppliers. Some mass-produce drones in sprawling factories. Others either build them from scratch in small workshops and garages or repurpose drones bought online from Chinese online marketplaces. Chinese Mavic drones have become a familiar sight on the front lines, even though their maker, SZ DJI Technology Co., has denied selling any to Russia or Ukraine and the Beijing government says it's taken steps to prevent their use in the conflict. The variety of companies, funding sources and production techniques has made the industry fiercely competitive and innovative. The government is encouraging this startup culture through drone design competitions open to everyone including high-school students. Ukrainian company Skyfall has grown into one of the country's biggest drone producers. It was founded by three engineers to develop the Vampire heavy-duty, multi-purpose drone able to carry 15- kilogram bombs or to transport ammunition, food, water and medicine. It's nicknamed Baba-Yaga by Russians, after the wicked witch from children's fairytales. Skyfall has delivered thousands of the machines to the front. The company also makes the popular Shrike FPV, runs an academy for training prospective engineers, operates several drone servicing centers in cities closer to the front lines, and runs a 24/7 hotline to help soldiers solve technical problems with their drones, even in the heat of battle. Ukraine has been receiving shipments of drones from foreign partners including the UK and Germany, but its vibrant drone industry means the national military is procuring a growing share of its weaponry from domestic suppliers. Ukraine's Ministry of Defense allocated over $2.5 billion in 2024-2025 for local drone manufacturers, signing contracts with 76 companies. Oleksandr Kubrakov, a former infrastructure minister who now advises Ukrainian Defense Minister Rustem Umerov, said the country's drone industry remains fragile because it relies so heavily on the state. 'There is a way to reduce this dependence, and that's to officially open up Ukraine's military exports so they can sell drones abroad. For now, exports are forbidden,' said Kubrakov.

Tom Llamas Marks the Start of a 'New Adventure' as He Anchors First 'NBC Nightly News' After Lester Holt's Exit
Tom Llamas Marks the Start of a 'New Adventure' as He Anchors First 'NBC Nightly News' After Lester Holt's Exit

Yahoo

time5 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Tom Llamas Marks the Start of a 'New Adventure' as He Anchors First 'NBC Nightly News' After Lester Holt's Exit

Tom Llamas celebrated his debut as the new anchor of NBC Nightly News on the June 2 episode, calling it the start of a "new adventure" Llamas, who is also host of Top Story with Tom Llamas, succeeds Lester Holt in the role The journalist spoke to Today ahead of his first episode behind the Nightly News desk, revealing how he feels as the first Latino weekday evening news anchorTom Llamas is signing on. Llamas made his debut as the new anchor of NBC Nightly News on the June 2 episode, taking over the reins from Lester Holt. "That's Nightly News for tonight, my first as the anchor of this great broadcast," Llamas said at the end of the episode. "My thanks to all of you as we start this new adventure together. Tonight, and always, we're here for you." Llamas also introduced a new series during his debut episode called "The Cost of Denial," which he explained is "a spotlight on the issues millions of American face across healthcare and homeownership when it comes to insurance coverage." Ahead of his first episode anchoring Nightly News, Llamas sat down with Savannah Guthrie on Today to discuss his new role. "I feel excited. I'm so looking forward to this. I can't wait," he said, adding that he "never in my wildest dreams" thought he could get to this point in his career. "I'm a little nervous, but I'm looking forward to the challenge. I think it's good to be a little nervous." With his new gig, Llamas is the first Latino weekday evening news anchor — something he called both a privilege and an honor. "I thank all the Hispanic journalists that came before me because when I was watching news and growing up, we'd watch news in English and Spanish, I saw people like José Díaz-Balart, people that I could look up to. And I saw, well, if they can do it, I could do it," said Llamas, who is Cuban-American. "I think even bigger than that, my parents came here as immigrants. They came here with nothing. Their son is now going to be the anchor of Nightly News, one of the biggest and most important newscasts in our country," he continued. "What it tells me is that the American dream is still alive. I know that because I'm living it." Llamas also called his wife, Jennifer, and their three children "my biggest cheerleaders." Holt signed off as Nightly News anchor on the May 30 episode after more than a decade in the role, calling his stint on the evening news show "the honor of a lifetime." "Around here, facts matter, words matter, journalism matters and you matter," Holt said in his farewell. "Over the last decade, we have shared some dark and harrowing days and nights from our country — the pandemic, mass shootings, natural disasters — each testing our resilience and our compassion. That's why I often like to leave you with something to smile about, moments that reassure and connect us." "Please continue to take care of yourself and each other, and I'll do the same," he added, also wishing Llamas "great success." Read the original article on People

Warning over TikTok food sellers not listing allergens
Warning over TikTok food sellers not listing allergens

Yahoo

time5 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Warning over TikTok food sellers not listing allergens

TikTok users are selling food without listing allergen information, the BBC has found. Listings on TikTok Shop show people selling snacks and sweets without highlighting they contain one of the 14 main allergens that UK businesses are legally required to declare. When the BBC brought these listings to TikTok's attention, it deleted them and said: "TikTok Shop is committed to providing a safe and trustworthy shopping experience." Simon Williams, chief executive of Anaphylaxis UK, warned allergy suffers: "If the ingredient and allergen information isn't there, don't buy it. You're putting your life in grave danger." "We have policies and processes in place with our sellers to ensure the safety of food and beverages sold on our platform and we will remove products that breach these policies," a TikTok spokesperson said. However, it is currently possible to sell food on TikTok Shop without providing any ingredient or allergy information. The BBC found one seller, Mega Buy UK, selling a sweet treat related to the popular Netflix show Squid Game and listed the ingredients and allergens as "not applicable". Another UK-based seller called The Nashville Burger listed a burger-making kit that contained milk - one of the 14 allergens food businesses in the UK are required to declare on labels. It also contained wheat - which should be listed as an allergen under cereals containing gluten. However, on TikTok Shop, the allergen information was given as "spices" and the ingredient description simply said "flour". The BBC also found a seller called UK Snack Supply advertising lollipops and crisps with no ingredient or allergen information. TikTok has deleted the adverts the BBC highlighted, but all three companies are still on TikTok Shop selling other products without providing full allergen information. The BBC has approached all of these sellers for comment but could not independently verify that the sellers were all listed in the UK. However, allergy charities say regardless of where the firms are based more should be done to keep consumers safe. TikTok is a place where food trends go viral - from the pickle challenge which involved eating a hot pickle wrapped in a fruit roll-up - to Dubai chocolate which sparked a shopping frenzy. And while users consume the videos TikTok has also become a platform to buy and sell a bite of the action. Kate Lancaster's two children both have milk allergies and she regularly posts advice on TikTok as The Dairy Free Mum. She thinks TikTok has a responsibility to ensure all products sold on its shopping platform meet safety and labelling standards. "It's completely unacceptable and really worrying. Failing to provide ingredient information is potentially very dangerous, and it feels like a complete disregard for the safety of those living with food allergies," she said. Tanya Ednan-Laperouse co-founded The Natasha Allergy Research Foundation in the name of her daughter who died after an allergic reaction to a Pret a Manger sandwich. She said: "'TikTok is responsible for ensuring that all their UK food sellers meet legislative requirements to sell food products on their app. "Any that don't should be immediately removed from the app and investigated, but ideally this should not happen if their checks and balances are rigorous and in place." After her daughter's death, new safety rules, known as "Natasha's Law", were introduced which require full ingredient and allergen labelling on all food made on premises and pre-packed for direct sale. Kate believes TikTok is allowing sellers to "swerve" basic food labelling requirements as the app allows people not to list any ingredients at all and thinks the platform should penalise those who don't provide the correct information. "Since Natasha's Law has come into effect I feel that, in general, allergy labelling has improved, but it's frightening that a huge platform like TikTok does not have adequate measures to ensure that labelling is in place," she said. "The thought of someone with a food allergy, or an allergy parent, buying items that they assume are safe, when in fact they may not be, is really scary." Mr Williams from Anaphylaxis UK says the ultimate responsibility lies with the seller but does think TikTok could do more. "At the moment it's being used as a platform to sell things that may not be safe. They [TikTok] do need to do more," he said, "There's a lot of people making a lot of money, great side hustle, but they're putting people at risk." Dr James Cooper, deputy director of food policy at the Food Standards Agency (FSA), which is responsible for food safety in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, said: "Wherever people buy their food, it needs to be safe and what it says it is. "Food businesses in the UK must be registered with their local authority and follow food law. All food businesses have a legal responsibility to sell safe food and provide allergen information." The FSA website says that if food is sold online or over the phone through "distance selling" then allergen information must be provided at two different stages in the order process. This usually means providing allergy information in the online description and then also on the packaging so a buyer has two opportunities to check if their allergy could be triggered.

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