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Japan's Nikkei Stock Average Climbs for Fourth Day on US-China Trade Framework; Hino Plunges

Japan's Nikkei Stock Average Climbs for Fourth Day on US-China Trade Framework; Hino Plunges

Yomiuri Shimbun file photo
The Tokyo Stock Exchange
TOKYO, June 11 (Reuters) – Japan's Nikkei share gauge climbed for a fourth straight session on Wednesday after U.S. and Chinese officials agreed on a framework to put their trade truce back on track and remove China's curbs on rare earths, supporting demand for risk assets.
Chip-sector heavyweights Sumco 3436.T and Tokyo Electron 8035.T surged 7% and 3.6%, respectively. Mazda Motor 7261.T climbed 1.2% as the yen weakened, boosting export shares.
The Nikkei 225 Index .N225 climbed 0.5% as of the midday break, set for its longest winning streak in about a month. So far, it is down 4.2% for the year. The broader Topix gauge .TOPX was flat.
U.S. President Donald Trump's on-again, off-again tariff spats have largely been factored into global equity prices, but Japanese stocks have yet to recover to highs seen around the beginning of the year, said Tatsunori Kawai, chief strategist at Mitsubishi UFJ eSmart Securities.
After meetings by the Bank of Japan and the Federal Reserve next week, summer salary bonuses and company dividends in Japan may be factors to push domestic shares higher.
'With those funds in the pipeline, I think the inflow of money into the market will continue,' Kawai said. 'After we get through next week, I think it's basically easier to go higher and catch up with U.S. equities.'
Sumco was the biggest gainer on the Nikkei, followed by Isetan Mitsukoshi 3099.T gaining 6.2%.
The biggest loser was Hino Motors 7205.T down 17%, after the truckmaker and unit of Toyota Motor 7203.T said it would issue new shares as part of a merger agreement with Mitsubishi Fuso.

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India should join the Global Combat Air Program — but not just yet
India should join the Global Combat Air Program — but not just yet

Japan Times

time2 hours ago

  • Japan Times

India should join the Global Combat Air Program — but not just yet

As the world learns to navigate an era of volatile American politics, global defense partnerships are being reshaped. Donald Trump's chaotic return to the White House has called into question America' reliability as a security guarantor and U.S. allies are seeking new forms of international cooperation. An ambitious expression of this shift is the Global Combat Air Program, a joint effort between Japan, the United Kingdom and Italy to develop a next-generation fighter jet by 2035. GCAP is more than just a weapons platform. It is a statement of strategic autonomy, industrial innovation and trilateral cooperation among democracies that are, each in their own way, redefining their role on the global stage. And now, as reports emerge that Japan and India have discussed possible Indian participation in GCAP, the project stands at a potential inflection point. The idea of including India — one of the world's fastest-growing economies and an increasingly assertive geopolitical actor — makes strategic sense. But it also presents diplomatic and practical challenges that cannot be ignored. As with many promising international endeavors, timing is everything. Opening for Japan-India ties India's inclusion in GCAP could offer a breakthrough in Japan-India relations. Over the past two decades, the Asian nations have built a robust security partnership. From the 2008 Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation to more recent agreements on defense-equipment acquisitions and the sharing of sensitive security information, Tokyo and New Delhi have grown comfortable with each other in the defense realm. Joint military exercises are now routine and there is a shared interest in counterbalancing China's growing influence in the Indo-Pacific. Yet this bilateral relationship has stalled in recent years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's failure to visit Japan in 2024 broke an established pattern, and with India now positioning itself as the de facto leader of the Global South, Japan may be losing relative importance in New Delhi's strategic calculus. Including India in GCAP could re-energize this relationship by offering a high-stakes, high-visibility partnership that aligns with India's long-term security and technological ambitions. For Japan, whose defense industry has long struggled under strict export controls, GCAP represents a rare opportunity to lead in a collaborative international project. Since Japan revised its arms transfer policy in 2014, and especially after its 2024 decision to allow exports of finished defense products under GCAP, it has cautiously moved toward becoming a more active player in global defense markets. Including India could bring financial investment, manufacturing capacity and political clout to the initiative. Lessons of the past However, the road to integrating India into such a high-technology, multinational defense program is strewn with potential pitfalls. Japan — and its British and Italian partners — must approach the issue with cautious optimism rather than uncritical enthusiasm. India's track record in defense negotiations is complex, often fraught with delays, policy reversals and insistent demands for domestic production and technology transfer. A previous fighter-jet purchase by New Delhi stands as a cautionary tale. After years of negotiations, India abandoned its Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft tender competition, which intended to supply its air force with 126 fighters. It ultimately settled for 36 jets under new terms with the winner, Dassault of France — hardly a model of streamlined procurement. Japan has its own bitter experience. Talks over the amphibious U.S.-2 search and rescue aircraft, once hailed as a landmark opportunity for Japanese defense exports, fizzled after years of talks due to cost concerns. And in the economic sphere, skeptics can point to India's withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in 2019 — despite Tokyo's encouragement — citing unresolved trade imbalances and geopolitical concerns. These cases point to a broader reality: India negotiates hard, takes its time and rarely yields on its demands for strategic autonomy. This negotiating culture, while entirely within India's rights as a sovereign nation, may be fundamentally at odds with the pace and structure of GCAP, which is already a delicate balancing act among three countries with differing defense needs and industrial capacities. A future invitation The GCAP's schedule is ambitious. Japan aims to replace its aging F-2 fighters by 2035 and any delay in production or development could leave a gap in national defense readiness. Integrating a new partner like India at this stage — especially one likely to demand significant changes to project structure, technology-sharing agreements and production timelines — could threaten that schedule. Moreover, the three current partners are still ironing out key elements, including industrial roles and manufacturing bases. The recently created GCAP International Government Organisation (GIGO), headquartered in the U.K. but headed by former Japanese Vice Defense Minister Masami Oka, is just beginning to establish the governance structure for this complex collaboration. To bring India into the project now would almost certainly add complications. A protracted negotiation could not only jeopardize the project timeline but also fray relations among the current trio. Worse still, if talks were to collapse — as happened with RCEP or the U.S.-2 — the diplomatic fallout could damage the Japan-India relationship rather than enhance it. That's why timing is key. While India should be considered a prospective partner, this should be done at a later, more stable stage in the GCAP's development. Once the project has passed the foundational design and industrial division phases — perhaps around 2027 or 2028 — it may be more feasible to expand the partnership. At that point, India's involvement could be structured in a modular way, perhaps focusing on production, systems integration or joint exports to third countries rather than full-scale co-development from the ground up. The broader strategic picture Inviting India to join GCAP — eventually — would send a powerful message about the resilience and adaptability of democratic defense partnerships. It would align with the growing convergence between India and the West, particularly as China's influence looms large and the United States vacillates between engagement and retrenchment. That said, this must be done with the clarity that strategic alignment cannot come at the cost of operational failure. GCAP is too important and too delicate to risk being overwhelmed by difficult negotiations or mismatched expectations. The priority now must be maintaining GCAP's momentum and cohesion. Tokyo, London and Rome should continue quiet consultations with New Delhi, keeping the option open and signaling a willingness to explore future cooperation. India, with its ambition, industrial potential and rising global stature is a natural candidate for eventual participation in a program like GCAP — but not just yet. Tomoko Kiyota is an associate professor at Nagasaki University.

Japan Party Leaders Face Off Over No-Confidence Motion; Opposition Hesitant Amid Tariff Negotiations With U.S.
Japan Party Leaders Face Off Over No-Confidence Motion; Opposition Hesitant Amid Tariff Negotiations With U.S.

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Japan Party Leaders Face Off Over No-Confidence Motion; Opposition Hesitant Amid Tariff Negotiations With U.S.

Yomiuri Shimbun photos Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, right, and Constitutional Democratic Party leader Yoshihiko Noda participate in the party leader debate at the Diet in Tokyo on Wednesday. A tense standoff took place during a debate between party leaders in the Diet on Wednesday as the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the main opposition party grappled with a potential no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba. Ishiba, who also serves as LDP president, and Yoshihiko Noda, president of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, waged a war of nerves at the final party leader debate of the current Diet session. Noda took a confrontational stance, despite appearing inclined to forgo the no-confidence motion, but he lacked vigor. This highlighted his struggle to keep the CDPJ at an appropriate distance from the government and the ruling bloc. Arguments lacked depth During the debate, Noda emphasized measures to combat rising prices. He asserted that the approach taken by Ishiba Cabinet's tended to 'understand the issues but either postpones [taking steps] or does nothing.' However, Noda noticeably lacked depth in the pursuit of individual issues. He pressed for the consumption tax rate on food to be reduced to 0%, which is one of the CDPJ's campaign pledges for the House of Councillors election. However, Ishiba rejected a possible tax cut, saying: 'Mr. Noda understands the significance of the consumption tax better than anyone. I respect him as a politician.' Noda questioned Ishiba about the Japan-U.S. tariff negotiations, asking, 'Is there a prospect of reaching an agreement on main points?' Ishiba remained unruffled and responded: 'We are making progress one step at a time. Ultimately, [U.S.] President [Donald Trump] will make the decision.' Noda wavering Noda failed to fully commit to a confrontational stance, as he hesitated about submitting a no-confidence motion. The CDPJ has submitted no-confidence motions in ordinary Diet sessions every year since 2018, except in 2020, when priority was given to COVID-19 countermeasures. Under a minority government, the opposition can pass such a motion if it is united. Normally, this would be a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the opposition to bring about a change of government. Noda had hinted at submitting a motion but began to waver, questioning whether such a political decision was appropriate amid ongoing tariff negotiations with the United States, which is considered a national crisis. If Japan-U.S. tariff negotiations continue even after their bilateral summit meeting — scheduled on the sideline of the Group of Seven summit from Sunday to Tuesday — the CDPJ could face public criticism if a political vacuum emerges from the passage of a no-confidence motion. Furthermore, if the tariff negotiations are successful, that would also make it difficult for the party to submit such a motion. On the other hand, there are simmering voices within the CDPJ to demonstrate a more aggressive and confrontational stance by submitting the motion. Noda had even told aides before the party leader debate that he was genuinely struggling with the decision of whether to submit the motion. Avoiding dissolution If a no-confidence motion is submitted, some within the government and the LDP believe the House of Representatives should be dissolved without a vote on the motion. But junior coalition partner Komeito opposes holding simultaneous elections for both houses. Nevertheless, if a no-confidence motion passes, Ishiba would have no choice but to either dissolve the lower house or see his Cabinet resign en masse. Many within the ruling party believe there would be no option but dissolution if it passed. The prime minister wants to avoid the political vacuum caused by dissolution, and intends to courteously respond to talks between the ruling and opposition party leaders on tariff negotiations around the time of the G7 Summit. Ishiba is trying to save face for Noda while hoping the CDPJ will not submit the motion.

Japan and U.S. still far apart in tariff talks, Ishiba cited as saying
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Japan and U.S. still far apart in tariff talks, Ishiba cited as saying

Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba still sees distance with the U.S. when it comes to trade talks, according to an opposition party leader who met with the leader to discuss U.S. tariffs. Ishiba is expected to meet U.S. President Donald Trump on the sidelines of the Group of Seven leaders gathering in Canada starting Sunday. Ahead of that potentially key meeting, the prime minister gathered with opposition party leaders Thursday to canvass their thoughts on the American levies. Speaking to reporters after the gathering, Nippon Ishin no Kai co-leader Seiji Maehara said that Ishiba said there is a large gap between the U.S. and Japanese stances, and that he doesn't have a particular timeline in mind for when the two sides may come to an agreement. "If there's progress before I meet the president, that's in and of itself good,' Ishiba told reporters in Tokyo on Thursday. "But what's important is to achieve an agreement that's beneficial to both Japan and the U.S. We won't compromise Japan's interests by prioritizing a quick deal.' The upcoming summit in Canada is viewed as a potential moment for Japan and the U.S. to reach some kind of an agreement after two months of back-and-forth. Failing to get any kind of deal there could worsen Ishiba's standing ahead of an Upper House election next month as the tariffs threaten to push Japan's economy into a technical recession. Maehara and Yuichiro Tamaki, head of the Democratic Party for the People, said that Ishiba also mentioned the U.S. and Japan are discussing Japan's U.S. Treasurys holdings, without elaborating on details. Tamaki told Ishiba that Japan could help U.S. yields stabilize by reinvesting in U.S. bonds — specifically by buying longer-term bonds when current holdings mature. Japan remains the biggest foreign holder of U.S. Treasurys. In early May, Finance Minister Katsunobu Kato's remarks that suggested U.S. Treasurys could be used as a negotiating tool drew great market interest, but later Kato appeared to walk back those comments and in particular the idea that Japan might use the sale of U.S. Treasurys in negotiations. While Japanese party leaders continued to discuss the tariffs' impact, Trump appears to be ramping up pressure. The U.S. president said he intended to send letters to trading partners in the next one to two weeks setting unilateral tariff rates, ahead of a July 9 deadline to reimpose higher duties on dozens of economies. For Japan, an across-the-board tariff is set to increase to 24% from 10% on that day barring a deal. Tokyo is trying to earn a reprieve from a 25% tariff on cars and car parts and a 50% levy on steel and aluminum. Ishiba's top trade negotiator, Ryosei Akazawa, is expected to travel to North America later this week for the sixth round of negotiations with his counterparts. Still, in a different debate with opposition party leaders held in parliament on Wednesday, Ishiba hinted at how quickly the situation could change. "The final decision is made by the president. There are many instances when the deal is sealed in that final moment,' Ishiba said when asked by the leader of the largest opposition party how far along trade talks were. "There is no doubt that talks are progressing.'

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