Telangana CM wants ATC courses to match emerging requirements of industry
He instructed the officials to ensure setting up of the ATCs in a time bound manner so that they are functional in the specified time. The Chief Minister, along with Labour, Employment Training and Factories Minister Vivek Venkat Swamy, reviewed the progress of the ATCs being developed in line with the Telangana Rising -2047 and status of works with senior officials, in Hyderabad on Monday (July 21, 2025).
Mr. Reddy said he would conduct surprise checks to get first hand information on the progress of works and development of ATCs in the coming days. Officials informed the Chief Minister that it was proposed to develop 111 ATCs in three phases in the State. Accordingly, 25 ATCs were planned to be developed in the first phase, 40 in the second and remaining 46 in the third phase. As many as 49 ATCs became functional in the first and second phases so far and work was progressing briskly in the remaining ATCs.
Mr. Reddy wanted the officials to rope in experienced agencies including reputed construction firms to expeditiously complete the remaining works. Officials concerned should take steps to set up a model ATC in the Genome Valley where necessary training could be imparted to students in Pharma, Biotechnology and Life Sciences sectors. Officials were directed to take steps to allocate land and set up infrastructure for the state-of-the-art technology centre in this direction.
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Indian Express
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- Indian Express
C Raja Mohan writes: PM Modi in the UK: Let go of the bilateral baggage
The formal signing of the India-UK Free Trade Agreement during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to London this week marks a long-awaited turning point in bilateral relations. The early 1990s opened a new opportunity for Delhi and London to move beyond the bitter legacies of Partition and the Cold War and build on the fresh possibilities offered by India's economic liberalisation. Only after multiple twists and turns has the wide gap between promise and performance in the relationship begun to close. If Queen Elizabeth II's 1997 visit to India — meant to commemorate the 50th anniversary of Independence — turned into a political fiasco, Modi's meeting this week with King Charles III could mark the beginning of a new and more productive phase. And it comes at a particularly opportune moment. The trade pact, along with expanding cooperation in technology, defence, and education, will help both countries navigate the turbulent effects of US President Donald Trump's political upheaval — whether one sees it as a revolution or a counterrevolution — on American global engagement and the international order. London, the US's closest and most enduring ally, and Delhi, which has built a new foundation for strategic cooperation with Washington, have both been significantly impacted by Trump's policies. Efforts to reboot India-UK ties began promisingly in the 1990s, when Conservative Prime Minister John Major strongly supported India's economic reforms. But the momentum faltered in the early years of the Labour governments (1997-2010), which continued to view India through an outdated colonial lens. What should have been a celebratory and reflective moment during the Queen's 1997 visit was marred by then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's gratuitous meddling in the Kashmir issue and Indo-Pakistani relations. The resulting outrage was memorably captured by Indian Prime Minister I K Gujral, who called Britain a 'third-rate power'. Gujral was right to object to British overreach, but his characterisation of Britain was far off the mark. In the mid-1990s, the UK ranked among the world's top five economies, with a GDP exceeding the combined economic output of China, India, and Russia at the time. Britain had lost its empire but has remained a power of considerable global influence. Three decades later, it is still the world's sixth-largest economy. Its per capita income — around $55,000—compares starkly with India's $3,000, China's $14,000, and Russia's $15,000. The perception in Delhi of Britain as a 'diminished power' stands in sharp contrast to India's enduring view of Russia as a 'superpower'. This disconnect reflects a lingering anti-colonial mindset and a romanticised view of Russia in Delhi but has little grounding in present-day realities. It ignores the large interface between Indian and British societies that stands in contrast to a narrow government-to-government relationship with Moscow. One of the key drivers of the evolving India-UK relationship has been the effort to shed the lingering colonial condescension in London and entrenched anti-imperial resentment in Delhi. The focus has now shifted to building a pragmatic, forward-looking partnership based on shared interests. It has also meant confronting Delhi's own double standards. While the Indian elite never misses an opportunity to denounce British colonialism, it continues to seek validation from Britain and its institutions. Across the political spectrum, leaders denounce the English language but educate their children in English-medium schools, aspire for admissions to Oxbridge and the Ivy League, and dream of emigration to the Anglosphere. This is not even to mention the popular fascination with Britain in states like Bengal, Gujarat, and Punjab. Overcoming this love-hate relationship was not easy. But the return of the Conservatives to power in 2010 saw an effort to transcend the old entanglements of Kashmir and Pakistan. Prime Minister David Cameron's 2010 visit aimed to reboot bilateral ties. However, the British establishment was not fully prepared for a shift, and the UPA government in Delhi failed to seize the moment. The arrival of the Modi government in 2014 brought a new readiness to reassess Britain. Successive Conservative Prime Ministers — especially Boris Johnson — actively worked with India to imagine a shared future, outlined in the '2030 Roadmap for India-UK Relations'. The free trade agreement being signed this week, the 2024 technology security initiative, and the joint defence industrial roadmap announced this year are all fruits of that vision. Implementing the 2030 roadmap would not have been possible without greater responsiveness from the British establishment. Particularly significant in addressing Delhi's concerns about anti-India extremism is Prime Minister Keir Starmer's reining in the extremist factions within the Labour Party that had taken a hostile stance on India carrying forward the 2030 Roadmap initiated by the Tories. Modi's visit is also an opportunity to reflect on the deep economic and political turbulence within Britain. The Starmer government is struggling to revive a stagnating economy. It has abandoned the strategy of total reliance on services and launched an industrial policy aimed at innovation-led growth in eight key sectors, including advanced manufacturing, defence, clean energy, life sciences, and creative industries. 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The Hindu
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Reforms or regression?
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The Hindu
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Centre urged to sanction funds for Hyderabad Metro Rail Phase-II
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